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1. Mi Leo, veneranda ac suscipienda caritas mea, Romanae ecclesiae ac divini ministerii decus (Petschenig). Gennadius (De Vir. Illus. c. lxi.) tells us of Cassian, that "finally at the request of Leo, then archdeacon of Rome and afterwards Bishop, he wrote seven books against Nestorius on the Incarnation of the Lord, and thus brought to a close his literary labours at Marseilles, as well as his life, in the reign of Theodosius and Valentinian." The date of the work must have been A.D. 430, shortly before the Council of Ephesus.
2. Professio (Petschenig); Progressio (Gazæus).
3. Nestorius had been consecrated Bishop of Constantinople in A.D. 428, and very shortly afterwards joined Anastasius in the denial that God could be born of a woman, and developed the heresy associated with his name.
4. Petschenig's text gives no titles to the chapters in this work. They are added here from the text of Gazæus.
5. The earliest writer to refer to an "Ebion" as the supposed founder of the Ebionites is Tertullian (Praescriptio c. xxxiii.). He is followed in this by Epiphanius (I. xxx.); Rufinus (In Symb. Apost. c. xxxix.), and others; but the existence of such a person is more than doubtful, and the name is now generally believed to have been derived from the Hebrew "Ebhion"=poor.
6. Incarnatio.
7. Cassian's statement here is scarcely accurate, as
Eunomius is best known from his bold assertion that the Son was unlike
(
8. Photinus, the pupil of Marcellus of Ancyra, appears to have taught a form of Sabellianism, teaching that Christ Himself, the Son of God, had not existed from all eternity but only from the time when He became the Son of God and Christ; viz., at the Incarnation.
9. Et maxima Belgarum urbe (Petschenig). Gazæus edits: Et maxime Beligarum urbe. The city must be Trêves, and the allusion is to the heresy of Leporius, which was an outcome of Pelagianism. Leporius was apparently a native of Trêves, who propagated Pelagian views in Gaul, ascribing his virtues to his own free will and his own strength; and going to far greater lengths than his master in that he connected this doctrine of human sufficiency with heretical views on the Incarnation; thus combining Pelagianism with what was practically Nestorianism, teaching that Jesus was a mere man who had used His free will so well as to have lived without sin, and had only been made Christ in virtue of His Baptism, whereby the Divine and Human were associated so as virtually to make two Christs. He taught further that the only object of His coming into the world was to exhibit to mankind an example of virtue; and that if they chose to profit by it they also might be without sin. For these errors he was rebuked by Cassian and others in Gaul, and on his refusal to abandon them was formally censured by Proculus Bishop of Marseilles and Cylinnius (Bishop of Fréjus?). He then left Gaul and came to Africa, where he was convinced by Augustine of the erroneous character of his teaching, and under his influence signed a recantation, which was perhaps drawn up by Augustine himself, and from which Cassian quotes below (c. v.). This recantation was read in the Church of Carthage, and was subscribed by four bishops as witnesses (including Augustine). It was then sent to the Gallican Bishops accompanied by a letter from the four attesting bishops (Epp. August. no. ccxxix.) commending the treatment which Leporius had previously received, but recommending him once more to their favour as having retracted his errors. See further Fleury H. E. Book XXIV. c. xlix. and Dictionary of Christian Biography, Art. Leporius.
10. Nestorius.
11. The after history of Leporius appears to have been this. Having come under Augustine's influence, he was persuaded by him to give up all his property, and renounce the temporal care of a monastery which he had previously founded in a garden at Hippo; where also he had begun to build a xenodochium or house of refuge for strangers, partly at his own expense, and partly out of the alms of the faithful. He also at Augustine's suggestion, built a church in memory of the "eight martyrs" (see Aug. Serm. 356). This complete renunciation of the world must have taken place about 425; and in the following year we find that he was present at the election of Eraclius to succeed Augustine (Aug. Ep. 213); but subsequent to this nothing is known of his history except that he was still living when Cassian wrote. It is right to mention that doubts have been raised by Tillemont whether the presbyter of Hippo is identical with the quondam heretic, but on scarcely sufficient grounds.
12. The recantation of Leporius may be found in the Bibliotheca Maxima Patrum. vol. vii. p. 14; Labbe, Concilia, ii. p. 1678; and Migne Patrol. Lat. xxi. p. 1221.
13. Sibi . . . nobis.
14. Caro and Verbum when used in this way stand for the Humanity and the Divinity of Christ.
15. The meaning of course is not that the manhood was endowed with the properties of Deity, or conversely the Deity with the properties of Humanity, but simply that two whole and perfect natures were joined together in the one Person.
16. S. John 1:14.
17. This phrase gives some countenance to the idea that the recantation was actually drawn up by Augustine, as the thought which it contains is a favorite one with him, as excluding any notion that Christ ever for one moment ceased to be God. See Serm. 184. "Intelligerent . . . Eum . . . in homine ad nos venisse et a Patre non recessisse." 186 "manens quod erat." Similar language is used by S. Leo, Serm. 18. c. 5. In Natio. 2. c. 2. and S. Thomas Aquinas in the well-known sacramental hymn "Verbum supernum prodiens, Nec Patris linquens dexteram." Cf. Bright's S. Leo on the Incarnation, p. 220.
18. Homo is here used as frequently by Augustine and other early writers for "Manhood," and not an "individual man." In this way it was freely used until the Nestorian Controversy, after which it went out of favour as capable of a Nestorian interpretation, and gave place to "humanitas" or "humana natura," when the manhood of Christ was spoken of. See the Church Quarterly Review, vol. xviii. p. 10; and Bright's S. Leo on the Incarnation, p. 165.
19. Verbum Dei (Petschenig) Verbum Deus (Gazæus).
20. Substantiae.
21. The allusion is to Ps. 18 (19):5, where the Latin (Gallican Psalter) has "Exultavit, ut gigas, ad currendam viam." The mystical interpretation which takes the words as referring to Christ is not uncommon. So in a hymn "De Adventu Domini" (Mone. Vol. i. p. 43) we have the verse "Procedit a thalamo suo Pudoris aula regia Geminæ gigas substantiæ, Alacris ut currat viam," and in another "De natali Domini" (p. 58) "Ut gigas egreditur ad currendam viam."
22. Etsi (Petschenig) Et sic (Gazæus).
23. The attesting Bishops who subscribed his recantation as witnesses were Aurelius of Carthage; Augustine of Hippo Regius; Florentius of the other Hippo; and Secundinus of Megarmita.
24. Scrobibus (Petschenig): The text of Gazæus has enoribus.
25. The allusion is to the recantation of Leporius and his companions. They were the immediate predecessors of Nestorius, and Cassian means to say that their recantation of their error ought to have been an example for Nestorius to follow.
26. Eph. 6:16-17.
27. Curationem (Petschenig): Damnationem (Gazæus).
28. The Nestorian controversy was originated by a
sermon of Anastasius a follower of Theodore of Mopsuestia, whom
Nestorius brought with him to Constantinople as his chaplain on his
appointment as Archbishop, A.D. 428. This man, preaching in the
presence of the archbishop, said: "Let no one call Mary
Theotocos; for Mary was but a woman, and it is impossible that God
should be born of a woman." In the controversy which was
immediately excited by these words Nestorius at once took the part of
his chaplain and preached a course of sermons in maintenance of his
views; refusing to the Blessed Virgin the title of Theotocos, while
admitting that she might be termed Christotocos. See Socrates
H. E. Book VII. c. xxxii. Evagrius H. E.
Book I. c. ii. and Vincentius Lirinensis Book I. c. xii. The sermons
are still partially existing in the writings of Marius Mercator: and
in the second of them the title
29. The subject is dealt with in Book IV. c. ii.; VII. c. ii. sq.
30. S. Luke 2:11.
31. S. Luke 1:35.
32. On the conception by the Holy Ghost compare Pearson on the Creed. Article III. c. ii.
33. Ps. 32 (33):9.
34. Petschenig's text is as follows: Videlicet ut, quia agi tanta res per humanum officium non valebat, ipsius ad futuram diceret majestatem in conceptu, qui erat futurus in partu; while Gazæus reads deceret for diceret.
35. Isa. 7:14.
36. Incredule (Petschenig). Incredulae (Gazæus).
37. Here is an instance of language which the mature judgment of the Church has rejected, as experience showed how it was capable of being pressed into the service of heresy. Homo unitus Deo, in Cassian's mouth evidently means the manhood joined to the Godhead, but the words might easily be taken as implying that a man was united to God, i.e., that there were in the Incarnation two persons, one assuming and the other assumed, which was the essence of Nestorianism. Compare above, the note on Homo to Book I. c. v.
38. Isa. 9:6 where in the LXX. B reads
39. Suscepti hominis. Cf. the line in the Te Deum, which originally ran "Tu ad liberandum mundum suscepisti hominem: non horruisti virginis uterum."
40. See the language of Nestorius himself quoted below in Book VII. c. vi. and cf. V. iii.
41. The text of Gazæus omits Deus.
42. Malachi 3:8. Jerome's rendering is almost
identical "Si affiget homo Deum, quia vos configitis me;"
where the Douay version strangely departs from the literal sense of
the word and renders vaguely "afflict." It is clear however
that it was intended to be understood literally, as it is here taken
by Cassian as a direct prophecy of the Crucifixion. The LXX. has
43. Titus 2:11-13.
44. S. Matt. 2:2, 7.
45. Exod. 3:2.
46. Vas Dei (Petschenig): Gazæus has Vis Dei.
47. S. Luke 2:11.
48. Jacobum. So Petschenig, after his authority. It is however an error on Cassian's part, as the words quoted were spoken not by S. James, but by S. Peter. (The text of Gazæus reads apparently with no authority Petrum.)
49. Acts 15:10, 11.
50. Titus 2:11.
51. S. John 1:17.
52. 1 Cor. 16:23.
53. Nestorius maintained that "that which was formed in the womb of Mary was not God Himself . . . but because God dwells in him whom He has assumed, therefore also He who is assumed is called God because of Him who assumes Him. And it is not God who has suffered, but God was united with the crucified flesh." (Fragm. in Marius Mercator p. 789 sq. [ed. Migne].) Thus he made out that in Christ were two Persons, one assuming and the other assumed.
54. S. Luke 1:35.
55. There is some doubt whether the words enclosed in brackets form part of the genuine text. Petschenig brackets them, as wanting in some MSS.
56. Homo ille.
57. Rom. 9:3-5.
58. 2 Cor. 5:19.
59. Exod. 7:1.
60. Ps. 81 (82):6.
61. 2 Cor. 5:16.
62. Petschenig's text reads as follows: Ac per hoc et illud ibi; Qui est super omnia Deus, hoc dicit: non novimus, jam Christum secundum carnem, et hic: non novimus jam Christum secundum carnem, hoc ait: Qui est Deus benedictus in saecula. That of Gazæus has: Ac per hoc et illud ibi qui est super omnia Deus: et hoc dicit, non novimus jam Christum secundum carnem: Quia est Deus benedictus in saecula.
63. The language used in the text by Cassian is
scarcely defensible. The whole tenour of the treatise shows clearly
enough that his meaning is orthodox enough, and that he fully
recognizes that the Human nature of Christ is still existing (See
especially c. vi.): but the
language used comes perilously near to Eutychianism, and
might be taken to imply that the human nature had been absorbed in the
Divine. Again in Book V. c. vii. he
speaks of the Son of man "united to the Son of God" (Cf.
also c. viii.) language which taken by
itself might seem to sanction Nestorianism, the very heresy against
which Cassian himself is writing. These instances of inaccurate
language, which a later writer would have carefully avoided, serve to
show one great service which heresies did to the Church in making
Churchmen write
64. Gal. 1:1.
65. Christum (Petschenig): Jesum (Gazæus).
66. Acts 26:12-15.
67. Inaestimabili majestatem Dei luce fulgentem (Petschenig): Gazæus edits Inaestimabilem majestatem, Dei luce fulgentem.
68. Quas tibi immensus et ineffabilis pavor mentis augeret (Petschenig): Gazæus has Quas tibi immensas et ineffabiles augustias pavor mentis augeret?
69. 2 Cor. 13:3.
70. 2 Cor. 5:10.
71. Rom. 14:10, 11.
72. S. John 5:22, 23.
73. 1 John 2:23.
74. Rom. 8:9.
75. Rom. 8:33, 34.
76. 1 Cor. 1:22-24.
77. Mater (Petschenig): Caro (Gazæus).
78. 1 Cor. 1:6-9.
79. S. John 11:27.
80. Principatus.
81. S. Matt. 16:16.
82. S. John 20:28.
83. S. Matt. 24:35.
84. S. Luke 24:39.
85. S. Matt. 16:4.
86. S. Matt. 3:16, 17.
87. Gal. 4:4.
88. Rom. 8:3.
89. Sacramentum.
90. Exod. 4:13. Where the LXX. has
91. S. John 3:17.
92. Ps. 106 (107):20.
93. 1 John 4:14.
94. S. Luke 2:11.
95. Cf. Hooker Eccl: Polity., Book V. c.
liii. § 4. "A kind of mutual commutation there is whereby
those concrete names, God and man, when we speak of
Christ, do take interchangeably one another's room, so that for truth
of speech it skilleth not whether we say that the Son of God hath
created the world, and the Son of man by His death hath saved it, or
else that the Son of man did create, and the Son of God die to save
the world. Howbeit as oft as we attribute to God what the manhood of
Christ claimeth, or to man what His Deity hath right unto, we
understand by the name of God and the name of man neither the one nor
the other nature, but the whole person of Christ, in whom both natures
are." The technical phrase by which this interchange of names is
described is the Communicatio idiomatum, and in Greek
96. S. John 4:12.
97. De se dicentem (Petschenig): Gazæus reads descendentem.
98. S. John 17:3.
99. 1 Cor. 8:6.
100. Tanti mysterii sacramentum.
101. S. John 1:3.
102. S. John 3:13.
103. S. John 6:63.
104. Eph. 4:10.
105. Phil. 2:6-8.
106. See Hooker as above (V. liii. 4) "When the Apostle saith of the Jews that they crucified the Lord of Glory, and when the Son of man being on earth affirmeth that the Son of man was in heaven at the same instant, there is in these two speeches that mutual circulation before mentioned. In the one, there is attributed to God or the Lord of Glory death, whereof Divine nature is not capable; in the other ubiquity unto man which human nature admitteth not. Therefore by the Lord of Glory we must needs understand the whole person of Christ, who being Lord of Glory, was indeed crucified, but not in that nature for which he is termed the Lord of Glory. In like manner by the Son of man the whole person of Christ must necessarily be meant, who being man upon earth, filled heaven with his glorious presence, but not according to that nature for which the title of man is given Him."
107. Ne necesse sit (Petschenig).
108. S. Luke 19:10.
109. 1 Tim. 1:15.
110. S. John 1:11.
111. Cf. Jer. 1:5.
112. The passage comes not from Jeremiah, but from Baruch (3:36-38). It is also quoted as from Jeremiah by Augustine (c. Faustin. xii. c. 43): and in the LXX. version the book of Baruch is placed among the works of Jeremiah, e.g., In both the Vatican and Alexandrine MSS. they stand in the following order: (1) Jeremiah, (2) Baruch, (3) Lamentations, (4) the Epistle of Jeremy (Baruch c. 6 in A. V.). The passage which Cassian here quotes is constantly appealed to by both Greek and Latin Fathers, as a prophecy of the Incarnation. See e.g. S. Augustine (l.c.) S. Chrysost. "Ecloga" Hom. xxxiv. Rufinus in. Symb. § 5.
113. Isa. 52:6.
114. Cf. Col. 2:14, 15.
115. Isa. 14:14, 15.
116. Hosea 11:4.
117. Eph. 4:1.
118. Philemon 9.
119. Acts 4:32.
120. 2 Cor. 5:19.
121. S. Luke 2:11.
122. S. Matt. 1:21.
123. Judges 3:9.
124. Judges 3:15.
125. S. John 1:29.
126. Isa. 1:3.
127. S. John 1:11.
128. Baruch 3:37, 38.
129. Ps. 117 (118):27.
130. Phil. 2:10, 11.
131. See above Book I. cc. ii. iii.
132. See below Book VI. c. xiv. For the twofold error of Pelagianism cf. a striking article on "Theodore of Mopsuestia and Modern Thought" in the Church Quarterly Review, vol. i. See esp. p. 135; where, speaking of Pelagianism, the writer says: "as the hypostatic union was denied, lest it should derogate from the ethical completeness of Christ, so the efficacious working of grace must be explained away lest it should derogate from the moral dignity of Christians. The divine and human elements must be kept as jealously apart in the moral life of the members as in the person of the Head of the Church. In the ultimate analysis it must be proved that the initial movement in every good action came from the human will itself, though when this was allowed, the grace of God might receive, by an exact process of assessment, its due share of credit for the result."
133. Viz., Nestorianism.
134. 2 Cor. 6:16.
135. 1 Cor. 3:16.
136. 2 Cor. 13:3.
137. 2 Cor. 13:5.
138. Eph. 3:16, 17.
139. Idem credendus in corpore qui creditur in majestate, qui nasciturus in carne non divisionem, etc., (Petschenig): Gazæus reads Idem credendus in majestate quia nasciturus in carne. Non divisionem, etc.
140. Col. 2:9.
141. S. John 14:23.
142. Isa. 45:14, 15.
143. Baruch 3:37.
144. Ps. 21 (22):11.
145. Dominicus Homo, literally "the
Lordly man." The same title is used again by Cassian in Book VI.
cc. xxi., xxii., and in the
Conferences XI. xiii. It is however
an instance of a title which the mature judgment of the Church has
rejected as savouring of an heretical interpretation. We learn from
Gregory Nazianzen (Orat. 51) that the Greek equivalent of
the title
146. Ps. 84 (85):12.
147. S. John 14:6.
148. Isa. 2:22. Cf. the note on the Institutes XII. xxxi.
149. Ps. 45 (46):7.
150. Ps. 82 (83):19.
151. Isa. 57:15.
152. 1 John 1:1, 2.
153. Heb. 13:8.
154. Col. 1:12-20.
155. S. Matt. 19:28.
156. S. John 8:40, 42.
157. S. John 8:58.
158. Exod. 3:14.
159. S. Jude 5.
160. 1 Cor. 10:9.
161. Acts 15:10, 11.
162. Deut. 32:12.
163. Ps. 80 (81):10.
164. Jer. 17:5.
165. S. John 4:2, 3. It will be noticed that
Cassian quotes this passage with the reading "Qui solvit
Jesum," where the Greek has
166. Non negares (Petschenig). Gazæus has denegares. 167. The last sentences are placed in brackets by Petschenig.
168. S. Matt. 19:6.
169. Eph. 5:25-30.
170. 1 Tim. 3:16. Quod manifestum in
carne. The true reading is pretty certainly
171. S. John 10:18.
172. Ps. 48 (49):8.
173. Cf. S. John 6:62.
174. S. John 3:13.
175. Gal. 4:26.
176. S. Matt. 13:17.
177. Isa. 64:1.
178. Ps. 143 (144):5.
179. Exod. 33:13.
180. 1 Tim. 1:7.
181. Isa. 64:1.
182. Hab. 3:2, 3, where the Old Latin has "Theman," and the Vulgate "Austro."
183. Ps. 49 (50):3; 79 (80):2.
184. Phil. 2:7.
185. Muneraris, (Petschenig): Gazæus reads numeraris.
186. Nestorius, who had belonged to the monastery of St. Euprepius near the gate of Antioch before his elevation to the see of Constantinople.
187. This creed is plainly given by Cassian as the
baptismal formula of the Church of Antioch; and with it agrees almost
verbally a fragment of the Creed preserved in a Contestatio
comparing Nestorius to Paul of Samosata (A.D. 429, or 430) which is
said by Leontius to have been the work of Eusebius afterward Bishop of
Dorylæum. The form is especially interesting as showing that
the Creed of Antioch, in common with several other Eastern Creeds,
underwent revision, probably about the middle of the fourth century,
from the desire to enrich the local creed with Nicæan
phraseology. The insertions which are obviously due to the Creed of
Nicæa are: non factum. Deum verum ex Deo vero, homoousian
patri, or as they would run in the original
Another interesting feature in the Creed as given by Cassian is that
it was in the singular "Credo," I believe; whereas
the Eastern Creeds are almost all in the plural
188. Cassian nowhere quotes the last section of the
Creed of Antioch, as it did not concern the question at issue. A few
clauses of it may however be recovered from S. Chrysostom's Homilies
(In 1 Cor. Hom. xl. § 2); viz.,
189. Symbolus, or more commonly and
correctly Symbolum (=
190. Rom. 9:28.
191. Viz., Constantinople, where Nestorius was Bishop and where Cassian himself had been ordained deacon by S. Chrysostom, as he tells us below in Book VII. c. xxxi., where he returns to the subject of his love for the city of his ordination, and interest in it.
192. Gal. 4:4.
193. Ps. 44 (45):17.
194. S. John 8:58.
195. Persius Sat. iii. l. 116 . . . "quod ipse non sani esse hominis non sanus juret Orestes."
196. Petschenig's text is as follows: Ut quid doceas Christianos? Christum non credere, cum ipsum in cujus Dei templo sint Deum negare. Gazæus edits: Ut quid doces Christianos, Christum non credens? Cum ipsum, in cujus Dei templo sunt, Deum neges.
197. Cicero in Verr. Act. Book l. xv. 40.
198. Ut, quia tu esse nolis quod omnes sint, omnes sint, quod tu velis (Petschenig). Gazæus has: Et quia tu esse nolis quod omnes sunt, quod tu velis: a text which he confesses must be corrupt.
199. The reference is the ceremony known as the Traditio Symboli, which is thus described by Professor Lumby: "The practice of the early church in the admission of converts to baptism seems to have been of this nature. For some period previous to their baptism (the usual seasons for which were Easter and Pentecost) the candidates for admission thereto were trained in the doctrines of the faith by the presbyters. A few days before they were to be baptized (the number of days varying at different periods) the Creed was delivered to them accompanied with a sermon. This ceremony was known as Traditio Symboli, the delivery of the Creed. At the time of Baptism each candidate was interrogated upon the articles of the Creed which he had received, and was to return an answer in the words which had been given to him. This was known as Redditio Symboli, the repetition of the Creed, and Baptism was the only occasion on which the Creed was introduced into any public service of the Church." History of the Creeds, pp. 11, 12.
200. 1 Cor. 1:23, 24.
201. Homo.
202. Nativitas.
203. Homoousios parienti debet esse nativitas.
204. St. John 3:6.
205. S. Matt. 1:20.
206. Phil. 2:7, 8; S. John 1:14; 2 Cor. 8:9.
207. Cf. Augustine, Tr. 78 in Joan.
208. 1 John 2:23.
209. Ab inferis.
210. Eph. 4:10.
211. Demutatus.
212. S. John 11:27.
213. S. Matt. 16:16.
214. S. John 20:28.
215. Phil. 2:7, 8.
216. Heb. 13:8.
217. Hominem.
218. 1 Cor. 8:6.
219. Col. 1:16.
220. Dominicus homo, see above on V. v.
221. Homini.
222. Dominicus homo.
223. S. John 3:13.
224. S. John 6:63.
225. 1 Cor. 8:6.
226. 1 Cor. 2:8. See the note on IV. vii.
227. Gen. 15:13.
228. S. Matt. 12:40.
229. Apud inferos.
230. Ps. 8:5.
231. S. John 1:15.
232. Verbi.
233. Ps. 117 (118):6.
234. 2 Cor. 10:4, 5.
235. Cf. S. Luke 10:19; Ps. 90 (91):13.
236. Isa. 11:8.
237. Cf. Mal. 3:2, 3.
238. S. Matt. 21:13.
239. Onocentauri: the allusion is to Is. 34:14, 15. Cf. Jerome in Esaiam, Bk. X.
240. Isa. 45:9; Rom. 9:20.
241. Abluto eo (Petschenig): Ab luto eo (Gazæus).
242. Mal. 3:8.
243. Acts 20:28.
244. Acts 3:15.
245. S. John 3:13.
246. Ex inanimis animalia, ex insensibilibus sensibilia nascuntur (Petschenig). The text of Gazæus has ex atomis animalia nascuntur.
247. Cf. Virgil's Georgics IV. Rufinus, on the Apostles' Creed (c. xi.) gives the same illustration of the Incarnation, and cf. with the passage in the text S. Basil Hom. in Hexaem., IX. ii.
248. Gal. 1:1.
249. 1 Cor. 2:6, 8.
250. Col. 2:9.
251. 1 Cor. 8:6.
252. Dispensatio.
254. Ps. 49 (50):3.
255. Gen. 32:30.
The name Israel was in the 4th and 5th centuries commonly explained to
mean the "man seeing God" as if it came from
256. Isa. 40:9; 25:9; 9:6, 7.
257. S. Matt. 16:16.
258. S. John 11:27.
259. S. John 1:29.
260. S. Matt. 3:14.
261. S. Matt. 3:17.
262. S. Luke 4:3.
263. S. Matt. 27:42.
264. Heb. 7:3.
265. S. Matt. 1:1.
266. Isa. 53:8.
267. S. Luke 4:9, 10.
268. Ps. 90 (91):13.
269. Separavit (Petschenig).
270. S. Matt. 1:20.
271. 1 Tim. 3:16.
272. S. Luke 9:20.
273. S. John 1:32.
274. Acts 1:2.
275. Hominem suum.
276. Prov. 9:1.
277. 1 Tim. 3:16.
278. 1 Cor. 1:30.
279. 1 Cor. 6:11.
280. Acts 3:6.
281. Acts 9:34.
282. Acts 16:18.
283. S. Matt. 9:6.
284. S. John 4:50.
285. S. Luke 7:14.
286. S. Matt. 7:29.
287. S. Matt. 10:8.
288. S. Mark 16:17.
289. S. Luke 10:19.
290. S. John 1:32.
291. Ille enim; viz., Pelagius. This appears to be the true reading, though one MS. followed by Gazæus has Leporius ille enim; a reading which would involve the supposition that there were two persons of the name of Leporius, master and scholar.
292. Acts 1:2.
293. S. John 3:13.
294. S. John 20:17.
295. Ps. 46 (47):6.
296. Tantam Petschenig. Tamen Gazæus.
297. Ps. 23 (24):7.
298. I nunc Petschenig. The text is however doubtful. One MS. reading In hunc, and another jam nunc.
299. S. Matt. 25:31.
300. S. Hilary of Poictiers (ob. A.D. 368). The reference is of course to his banishment to Phrygia by the Emperor Constantius in 356, because of his resolute defence of the Nicene faith against Arianism.
301. De Trinitate II. xxv., xxvii.; X. vii.
302. This preface to Hilary's work on S. Matthew is now lost, though the commentary itself still exists. See Opera S. Hilarii Pictav: (Verona, 1730). Vol. i. 658.
303. Cf. Cant. 5:10 (LXX.).
304. S. Ambrose. De Virg. Lib. i. xlvi.
305. Ezek. 44:2.
306. These words are not found in any extant writing of S. Ambrose, but something very like them occurs in S. Augustine's Sixth Sermon in Natali Domini.
307. In Lucam II. i.
308. Ep. xxii. Ad Eustochium.
309. Cf. Ezek. 44:2.
310. Book III. c. vii.
311. Rufinus in Symb. c. xiii.
312. There is no authority for the reading of Cuyck and Gazæus "Magnus Sacerdos." On the coldness with which Augustine is here spoken of see the Introduction. Note.
313. August. Tract. II. in Johan. xv.
314. Ep. cxxxvii. c. 4.
315. Aliud in Deum adsumitur, aliud in Deitatis gratiam praestat. So Petschenig edits. The text of Gazæus has aliud Deitatis gratia praestat.
316. Greg. Nazianz. Oratio xxxviii.
The Greek of the passage which Cassian translates is as follows:
317. See the Orations Against the
Arians IV. The Greek is as follows:
318. Orations Against the Arians IV.
319. The passage has not been identified with any now extant in the writings of S. Chrysostom.
320. S. Chrysostom had been taken from Antioch for the Bishopric of Constantinople: and after the death of Sisinnius in 426, as there was so much rivalry and party spirit displayed at Constantinople, the Emperor determined that none of that Church should fill the vacant see, but sent for Nestorius from Antioch, where he had already gained a great reputation for eloquence (cf. Socrates H. E. VII. xxix.). It is to the fact that both S. Chrysostom and Nestorius came from the same city that Cassian alludes in the text.
321. The reference is to Gregory Nazianzen, Bishop of Constantinople from 379 to 381 when he retired in the interests of peace; to Nectarius who was chosen to succeed him; and to his successor, S. John Chrysostom, 397 to 404.
322. Cf. 1 Cor. 12:26.
323. Ps. 13 (14):4; Col. 2:21, 23; 2 Cor. 6:17.