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89 Ap. Const. 25; Ap. Fug. 24.
90 Friday vid. Encyc. 4, note 9.
91 i.e. more than 5,000, Ap. Fig. 24.
92 strathgou. There were two strathgoi or duumvirs at the head of the police force at Alexandria; they are mentioned in the plural in Euseb. vii. 11, where S. Dionysius speaks of their seizing him. vid. Du Cange, Gloss. Graec. in voc.
93 strathgou. There were two strathgoi or duumvirs at the head of the police force at Alexandria; they are mentioned in the plural in Euseb. vii. 11, where S. Dionysius speaks of their seizing him. vid. Du Cange, Gloss. Graec. in voc.
94 ton thj tacewj, supr. §61, stratiwtou.
96 Since the Consuls came into office on the first of January, and were proclaimed in each city, it is strange that the Alexandrians here speak in February as if ignorant of their names. The phrase, however, is found elsewhere. Thus in this very year the Chron. Aceph. dates Jan. 5 as `post Consulatum Arbitionis et Loliani.' And in Socr. Hist. ii. 29, in the instance of the year 351, when there were no Consuls, and in 346, when there was a difference on the subject between the Emperors who were eventually themselves Consuls, the first months are dated in like manner from the Consuls of the foregoing year.
98 Feb. 12, Leap year; see note below, at the end of Introd. to Letters.
99 The corrections were made before he could obtain the essay carefully and gratefully used, but his text is defective, especially and text of Sievers (Zeitsch. Hist. Theol. 1868), where he now from the accidental omission of one of the key-clauses of the finds them nearly all anticipated. Sievers' discussion has been whole (§17).
1 epinohsasai. This is almost a technical word, and has occurred again and again already, as descriptive of heretical teaching in opposition to the received traditionary doctrine. It is also found passim in other writers. Thus Socrates, speaking of the decree of the Council of Alexandria, 362, against Apollinaris; `for not originating, epinohsantej, any novel devotion, did they introduce it into the Church, but what from the beginning the Ecclesiastical Tradition declared.' Hist. iii. 7. The sense of the word epinoia which will come into consideration below, is akin to this, being the view taken by the mind of an object independent of (whether or not correspondent to) the object itself. [But see Bigg. B. L. p. 168, sq.]
2 to gar ecelqein ...dhlon an eih, i.e. tw and so infr. §43. to de kai proskuneisqai ...dhlon an eih.
4 Vid. infr. §4 fin. That heresies before the Arian appealed to Scripture we learn from Tertullian, de Praescr. 42, who warns Catholics against indulging themselves in their own view of isolated texts against the voice of the Catholic Church. vid. also Vincentius, who specifies obiter Sabellius and Novation. Commonit. 2. Still Arianism was contrasted with other heresies on this point, as in these two respects; (1.) they appealed to a secret tradition, unknown even to most of the Apostles, as the Gnostics, Iren. Haer. iii. 1 or they professed a gift of prophecy introducing fresh revelations, as Montanists, de Syn. 4, and Manichees, Aug. contr. Faust. xxxii. 6. (2.) The Arians availed themselves of certain texts as objections, argued keenly and plausibly from them, and would not be driven from them. Orat. ii. §18. c. Epiph. Haer. 69. 15. Or rather they took some words of Scripture, and made their own deductions from them; viz. `Son,' `made,' `exalted,' &c. `Making their private irreligiousness as if a rule, they misinterpret all the divine oracles by it.' Orat. i. §52. vid. also Epiph. Haer. 76. 5 fin. Hence we hear so much of their qrullhtai fwnai, leceij, eph, rhta, sayings in general circulation, which were commonly founded on some particular text. e.g. infr., §22, `amply providing themselves with words of craft, they used to go about,' &c. Also anw kai katw periferontej, de Decr. §13. tw rhtw teqrullhkasi ta pantaxou. Orat. 2. §18. to poluqrullhton sofisma, Basil. contr. Eunom. ii. 14. thn poluqrullhton dialektikhn, Nyssen. contr. Eun iii. p. 125. thn qrulloumenhn aporrohn, Cyril. Dial. iv. p. 505. thn poluqrullhton fwnhn, Socr. ii. 43.
6 These Orations and Discourses seem written to shew the vital importance of the point in controversy, and the unchristian character of the heresy, without reference to the word omoousion. He has [elsewhere] insisted that the enforcement of the symbol was but the rejection of the heresy, and accordingly he is here content to bring out the Catholic sense, as feeling that, if persons understood and embraced it, they would not scruple at the word. He seems to allude to what may be called the liberal or indifferent feeling as swaying the person for whom he writes, also infr. §7 fin. §9. §10 init. §15 fin. §17. §21. §23. He mentions in Apollin. i. 6. one Rhetorius, who was an Egyptian, whose opinion, he says, it was `fearful to mention.' S. Augustine tells us that this man taught that `all heresies were in the right path, and spoke truth,' `which,' he adds, `is so absurd as to seem to me incredible.' Her 72. vid. also Philastr. Haer. 91.
9 Vid. Hil. de Trin. viii. 28; Rom. i. 25.
10 He seems to allude to Catholics being called Athanasians; vid. however next §. Two distinctions are drawn between such a title as applied to Carbolics, and again to heretics, when they are taken by Catholics as a note against them. S. Augustine says, `Arians call Catholics Athanasians or Homoüsians, not other heretics too. But ye not only by Catholics but also by heretics, those who agree with you and those who disagree, are called Pelagians; as even by heresies are Arians called Arians. But ye, and ye only, call us Traducianists, as Arians call us Homoüsians, as Donatists Macarians, as Manichees Pharisees, and as the other heretics use various titles.' Op. imp. i. 75. It may be added that the heretical name adheres, the Catholic dies away. S. Chrysostom draws a second distinction, `Are we divided from the Church? have we heresiarchs? are we called from many is there any leader to us, as to one there is Marcion, to another Manichaeus, to another Arius, to another some other author of heresy? for if we too have the name of any, still it is not those who began the heresy, but our superiors and governors of the Church. We have not "teachers upon earth,"' &c. in Act. Ap. Hom. 33 fin.
11 Vid. foregoing note. Also, `Let us become His disciples, and learn to live according to Christianity; for whoso is called by other name besides this, is not of God.' Ignat ad Magn. 10. Hegesippus speaks of `Menandrians, and Marcionites, and Carpocratians, and Valentinians, and Basilidians, and Saturnilians,' who `each in his own way and that a different one brought in his own doctrine.' Euseb. Hist. iv. 22. `There are, and there have been, my friends, many who have taught atheistic and blasphemous words and deeds, coming in the name of Jesus; and they are called by us from the appellation of the men, whence each doctrine and opinion began. ...Some are called Marcians, others Valentinians, others Basilidians, others Saturnilians,' &c. Justin. Tryph. 35. Iren. Haer. i. 23. `When men are called Phrygians, or Novatians, or Valentinians, or Marcionites, or Anthropians, or by any other name, they cease to be Christians; for they have lost Christ's Name, and clothe themselves in human and foreign titles.' Lact. Inst. iv. 30. `A. How are you a Christian, to whom it is not even granted to bear the name of Christian? for you are not called Christian but Marcionite. M. And you are called of the Catholic Church; therefore ye are not Christians either. A. Did we profess man's name, you would have spoken to the point; but if we are called from being all over the world, what is there bad in this?' Adamant. Dial. §1, p. 809. Epiph. Haer. 42. p. 366. ibid. 70. 15. vid. also Haer. 75. 6 fin. Cyril Cat. xviii. 26. `Christian is my name, Catholic my surname.' Pacian. Ep. 1. `If you ever hear those who are called Christians, named, not from the Lord Jesus Christ, but from some one else, say Marcionites, Valentinians, Mountaineers, Campestrians, know that it is not Christ's Church, but the synagogue of Antichrist.' Jerom. adv. Lucif. fin.
12 Vid. de Syn. 12. [Prolegg. ch. ii. §2.]
13 de Syn. 13, note 4. Manes also was called mad; `Thou must hate all heretics, but especially him who even in name is a maniac.' Cyril. Catech. vi. 20, vid. also ibid. 24 fin.-a play upon the name, vid. de Syn. 26, `Scotinus.'
15 It is very difficult to gain a clear idea of the character of Arius. [Prolegg. ch. ii. §2.] Epiphanius's account of Arius is as follows:-`From elation of mind the old man swerved from the mark. He was in stature very tall, downcast in visage, with manners like wily serpent, captivating to every guileless heart by that same crafty bearing. For ever habited in cloke and vest, he was pleasant of address, ever persuading souls and flattering; wherefore what was his very first work but to withdraw from the Church in one body as many as seven hundred women who professed virginity.?' Haer. 69. 3, cf. ib. §9 for a strange description of Arius attributed to Constantine, also printed in the collections of councils: Hard. i. 457.
18 And so godless or atheist Aetius, de Syn. 6, note 3, cf. note on de Decr. 1, for an explanation of the word. In like manner Athan. says, ad Serap. iii. 2, that if a man says `that the Son is a creature, who is word and Wisdom, and the Expression, and the Radiance, whom whoso seeth seeth the Father,' he falls under the text, `Whoso denieth the Son, the same hath not the Father.' `Such a one,' he continues, `will in no long time say, as the fool, There is no God.' In like manner he speaks of those who think the Son to be the Spirit as `without (ecw) the Holy Trinity, and atheists' (Serap. iv. 6), because they really do not believe in the God that is, and there is none other but He. Cf. also Serap. i. 30. Eustathius speaks of the Arians as anqrwpouj aqeouj, who were attempting krathsai tou qeiou. ap. Theod. Hist. i. 7. p. 760. Naz. speaks of the heathen poluqeoj aqeia. Orat. 25. 15. and he calls faith and regeneration `a denial of atheism, aqeiaj, and a confession of godhead, qeothtoj,' Orat. 23. 12. He calls Lucius, the Alexandrian Anti-pope, on account of his cruelties, `this second Arius, the more copious river of the atheistic spring, thj aqeou phghj.' Orat. 25. 11. Palladius, the Imperial officer, is aneou aqeoj. ibid. 12.
19 de Syn. §15. [where the metre of the Thalia is discussed in a note.]
22 de Syn. 26, note 7, de Decr. 6, note 8.
23 Vid. de Syn. 15, note 6. katalhyij was originally a Stoic word, and even when considered perfect, was, properly speaking, attributable only to an imperfect being. For it is used in contrast to the Platonic doctrine of ideai, to express the hold of things obtained by the mind through the senses; it being a Stoical maxim, nihil esse in intellectu quod non fuerit in sensu. In this sense it is also used by the Fathers, to mean real and certain knowledge after inquiry, though it is also ascribed to Almighty God. As to the position of Arius, since we are told in Scripture that none `knoweth the things of a man save the spirit of man which is in him,' if katalhyij be an exact and complete knowledge of the object of contemplation, to deny that the Son comprehended the Father, was to deny that He was in the Father, i.e. the doctrine of the pericwrhsij, de Syn. 15, anepimiktoi, or to maintain that He was a distinct, and therefore a created, being. On the o her hand Scripture asserts that, as the Holy Spirit which is in God, `searcheth all things, yea, the deep things of God,' so the Son, as being `in the bosom of the Father,' alone `hath declared Him.' vid. Clement. Strom. v. 12. And thus Athan. speaking of Mark xiii. 32, 'If the Son is in the Father and the Father in the Son, and the Father knows the day and the hour, it is plain that the Son too, being in the Father, and knowing the things in the Father, Himself also knows the day and the hour." Orat. iii. 44.