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21 Catholicus, ib. 10, note 4.
22 twn agoraiwn, vid. Acts xvii. 5. agora has been used just above. vid. Suicer. Thesaur, in voc.
23 Vid. Fleury's Church History, xxii. 7. p. 129, note k. [Oxf. tr. 1843.] By specifying the material, Athan. implies that altars were sometimes not of wood. [cf. D.C.A. 61 sq.]
24 Curtains were at the entrance, and before the chancel. vid. Bingh. Autiqu. viii. 6. §8. Hofman. Lex. in voc. velum. also Chrysost. Hom. iii. in Eph.
25 The royal quarter in Alexandria vid. Apol. Const. 15. In other Palatia an aqueduct was necessary, e.g. vid. Cod. Theod. xv. 2. even at Daphne, though it abounded in springs, ibid. 1, 2.
26 Vid. Herodot. ii. 41. who says that cows and heifers were sacred to Isis. vid. Jablonski Pantheon Aeg. i. 1. §15. who says that Isis was worshipped in the shape of a cow, and therefore the cows received divine honours. Yet bulls were sacrificed to Apis, ibid. iv. 2. §9. also Schweighaeuser in loc. Herod.
27 Vid note on de Decr. §1. This is a remarkable instance of the special and technical sense of the words, eusebeia, asebountej, &c. being here contrasted with pagan blasphemy, &c.
30 [geta qallwn\ fallwn `pro vera lectione probabiliter haberi posse arbitror.' Montf. Coll. Nov. t. ii.]
31 [agoraion, see §§55, note 11, above.
32 Cf. Ep. Aeg. 17, and §31, note 8.
36 Vid. de Syn. 31, note 4, also Greg. Naz. Orat. 35. 3. Epiph. Haer. 69. 3. Theod. Hist. i. 3. (P. 730. ed. Schulze).
37 The mines of Phaeno lie almost in a direct line between Petrae and Zoar, which is at the southern extremity of the Dead Sea. They formed the place of punishment of Confessors in the Maximinian Persecution, Euseb. de Mart. Pal. 7, and in the Arian Persecution at Alexandria after Athan. Theod. H. E. iv. 19, p. 996. Phaeno was once the seat of a Bishopric, which sent a Bishop to the Councils at Ephesus, the Ecumenical, and the Latrocinium. vid. Reland. Palestine, pp. 951, 952. Montfaucon in loc. Athan. Le Quien. Or. Christ. t. 3. p. 745.
39 9Ermeian louonta touj anecodouj, Inauspicato verterat Hermantius, `qui angiportos non pervios lavabat;' Montfaucon, Coll. Nov. t. 2. p. xliii. who translates as above, yet not satisfactorily, epecially as there is no article before louonta. Tillemont says, `qui avait "quelle charge" dans la police de la ville,' understanding by anecodoi, `inclusi sive incarcerati homines;' whereas they are `ii qui ana taj ecodoujin exitibus viarum, stipem cogunt.' Montf. ibid. For the custom of washing the feet vid. Bingh. Antiqu. xii. 4. §10.
41 Luke xii. 33; Matt. xxv. 35, Matt. xxv. 40.
43 They would give money, but thought it wrong to gave food. Ath. was possibly unaware of this distinction. See Bright, Introd. to Hist. Tracts, p. lxxi. note 7.]
48 strathgou, infr. §81, note.
49 touj artouj [i.e. their stated allowance: see also Apol. Ar 18], the word occurs Encycl. 4, Apol. Fug. 6, supr. §§31, 54, in this sense: but Nannius, Hermant, and Tillemont, with some plausibility understand it as a Latin term naturalized, and translate `most cruel of all, with much insolence they tore the "limbs" of the dead,' alleging that merely to take away `loaves' was not so `cruel' as to take away `lives,' which the Arians had done [the parallels refute this, apart from linguistic grounds].
4 perierxetai, 1 Pet. v. 8. supr. §20, and ad Adelph. §2 fin.
6 Cf. Hist. Aceph. ix., de Syn. 12, Thdt. H. E. ii. 28.
7 In like manner the party of Dioscorus at the Latrocinium, or Eutychian Council of Ephesus, a.d. 449, kicked to death Flavian, Patriarch of Constantinople.
14 The early theory about persecution seems to have been this,-that that was a bad cause which `depended' upon it, but that, when a `cause' was good, there was nothing wrong in using force in due `subordination' to argument [so Pius IX. in Encycl. `Quanta cura,' speaks of the 'officium coercendi sancitis poenis violatores catholicae religionis]; that there was as little impropriety in the civil magistrate's inducing `individuals' by force, when they were incapable of higher motives, as by those secular blessings which follow on Christianity. Our Lord's kingdom was not of this world, that is, it did not depend on this world; but, as subduing, engrossing, and swaying this world, it at times condescended to make use of this world's weapons against itself. The simple question was `whether a cause depended on force for its existence.' S. Athanasius declared and the event proved, that Arianism was so dependent. When Emperors ceased to persecute, Arianism ceased to be; it had no life in itself. Again, all cruel persecution, or long continued, or on a large scale, was wrong, as arguing `an absence' of moral and rational grounds in the `cause' so maintained. Again, there was an evident `impropriety' in ecclesiastical functionaries using secular weapons, as there would be in their engaging in a secular pursuit, or forming secular connections; whereas the soldier might as suitably, and should as dutifully, defend religion with the sword, as the scholar with his pen. And further there was an abhorrence of cruelty natural to us, which it was a duty to cherish and maintain. All this being considered, there is no inconsistency in S. Athanasius denouncing persecution, and in Theodosius decreeing that `the heretical teachers, who usurped the sacred titles of Bishops or Presbyters,' should be `exposed to the heavy penalties of exile and confiscation.' Gibbon, Hist. ch. 27. For a list of passages from the Fathers on the subject, vid. Limborch on the Inquisition, vol. 1. Bellarmin. de Laicis, c. 21, 22, and of authors in favour of persecution, vid. Gerhard de Magistr. Polit. p. 741, &c. [But vide supr., Apol. Fug. 23: `persecution is a device of the devil;' see also Socr. vii. 3.]
21 A quotation from Homer, Od. xii. 118.
23 [See above, p. 134, note 8, and ref. there; also Gibbon, ch. xviii. vol. ii. p. 364 sqq.]