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6 alogiaj; an allusion frequent in Athanasius, to the judicial consequence of their denying the Word of God. Thus, just below, n. 3. "Denying the Word" or Reason "of God, reason have they none." Also Orat. i. §35. fin. §40. init. §62. Orat. ii. §7. init. Hence he so often calls the Arians "mad" and "deranged;" e.g. "not aware how `mad' their `reason' is." Orat. i. §37.
11 Or ungodliness, aqeothtoj. Thus Aetius was called o aqeoj, the ungodly. de Synod. §6; and Axius complains that Alexander had expelled him and his from Alexandria, wj anqrwpouj aqeouj. Theodor. Hist. i. 4. "Atheism" and "Atheist" imply intention, system, and profession, and are so far too strong a rendering of the Greek. Since Christ was God, to deny Him was to deny God. The force of the term, however, seems to be, that, whereas the Son had revealed the "unknown God," and destroyed the reign of idols, the denial of the Son was bringing back idolatry and its attendant spiritual ignorance. Thus contr. Gent. §29. fin. he speaks of "the Greek idolatry as full of all Atheism" or ungodliness, and contrasts with it the knowledge of "the Guide and Framer of the Universe, the Father's Word," "that through Him `we may discern His Father,' and the Greeks may know `how far they have separated themselves from the truth.'" And Orat. ii. 43. he classes Arians with the Greeks, who "though they have the name of God in their mouths, incur the charge of `Atheism,' because they know not the real and true God, `the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ.'" (vid. also Basil in Eunom. ii. 22.) Shortly afterwards he gives a further reason for the title, observing that Arianism was worse than previous heresies, such as Manicheism, inasmuch as the latter denied the Incarnation, but Arianism tore from God's substance His connatural Word, and, as far as its words went, infringed upon the perfections and being of the first Cause. And so ad Ep. Aeg. §17. fin. he says, that it alone, beyond other heresies, "has been bold against the Godhead Itself in a mad way (manikwteron, vid. foregoing note), denying that there is a Word, and that the Father was always Father." Elsewhere he speaks more generally, as if Arianism introduced "an Atheism or rather Judaism `against the Scriptures,' being next door to Heathenism, so that its disciple cannot be even named Christian; for all such tenets are `contrary to the Scriptures;'" and he makes this the reason why the Nicene Fathers stopped their ears and condemned it. ad Ep. Aeg. §13. For the same reason he calls the heathen aqeoi, atheistical or ungodly, "who are arraigned of irreligion by Divine Scripture." contr. Gent. §14. vid. eidwlwn aqeothta. §46. init. Moreover, he calls the Arian persecution worse than the pagan `cruelties,' and therefore "a Babylonian Atheism," Ep. Encycl. §5. as not allowing the Catholics the use of prayer and baptism, with a reference to Dan. vi. 11, &c. Thus too he calls Constantius at heist, for his treatment of Hosius; oute ton qeon fobhqeij o aqeoj. Hist. Arian. 45. Another reason for the title seems to have lain in the idolatrous character of Arian worship `on its own shewing,' viz. as worshipping One whom they yet maintained to be a creature. [Prolegg. ch. it. §3 (2)a, sub. fin.]
12 A reference to Prov. xviii. 1. which runs in the LXX. "a man seeketh occasions, when desirous of separating himself from friends."
13 Apparently an allusion to Joh. xviii. 12. Elsewhere, he speaks of "the chief captain" and "the governor," with an allusion to Acts xxiii. 22-24. &c. Hist. Arian. §66. fin. vid. also §2. Apol. contr. Arian. §8. also §10. and 45. Orat. ii. §43. Ep. Encycl. §5. Against the use of violence in religion, vid. Hist. Arian. §33. 67. (Hil. ad Const. 1. 2.) On the other hand, he observes, that at Nicaea, "it was not necessity which drove the judges to" their decision, "but all vindicated the Truth from deliberate purpose." ad Ep. Aeg. 13.
14 diaqesij. vid. also Hist. Arian. §45. Orat. ii. §4. where Parker maintains without reason that it should be translated, "external condition." vid. also Theod. Hist. i. 4. init.
15 epispeirantoj tou diabolou, the allusion is to Matt. xiii. 25, and is very frequent in Athan., chiefly with a reference to Arianism. He draws it out at length, Orat. ii. §34. Elsewhere, he uses the image for the evil influences introduced into the soul upon Adam's fall, contr. Apoll. i. §15. as does S. Irenaeus, Haer. iv. 40. n. 3. using it of such as lead to back-sliding in Christians. ibid. v. 10. n. 1. Gregory Nyssen, of the natural passions and of false reason misleading them, de An. et Resurr. p. 640. vid. also Leon. Ep. 156. c. 2.
16 The Council did two things, anathematise the Arian positions (at the end of the Creed), and establish the true doctrine by the insertion of the phrases, "of the substance" and "one in substance." Athan. says that the Arians must not criticise the latter before they had cleared themselves of the former. Thus he says presently, that they were at once irreligious in their faith and ignorant in their criticism; and speaks of the Council negativing their formulae, and substituting those which were "sound and ecclesiastical." vid. also n. 4.
17 And so S. Leo "passim" concerning the Council of Chalcedon, "Concord will be easily established, if the hearts of all concur in that faith which, &c., no discussion being allowed whatever concerning any retractation," Ep Ep. 94. He calls such an act a "magnum sacrilegium," Ep. 157. c. 3. "To be seeking for what has been disclosed, to retract what has been perfected, to tear tip what has been laid down (definita), what is this but to be unthankful for what we gained?" Ep. 162. vid. the whole of it. He says that the attempt is "no mark of a peace-maker but a rebel." Ep. 164. c. 1. fin. vid. also Epp. 145, and 156, where he says, none can assail what is once determined, but "aut antichristus aut diabolus." c. 2.
19 qeomaxein, qeomaxoi. vid. Acts v. 39, Acts xxiii. 9. are of very frequent use in Athan. as is xristomaxoi, in speaking of the Arians, vid. infra passim. also antimaxomenoi tw owthri, Ep. Encycl. §5. And in the beginning of the controversy, Alexander ap. Socr. i. 6. p. 10. b.c.p. 12. p. 13. Theod. Hist. i. 3. p. 729. And so qeomaxoj glwssa, Basil. contr. Eunom. ii. 27. fin. xristomaxwn. Ep. 236. init. vid. also Cyril (Thesaurus, p. 19 e. p. 24 e.). qeomaxoj glwssa, is used of other heretics, e.g. the Manichees, by Greg. Naz. Orat. 45. §8.
20 i.e. "convicted themselves," infr. §18. init. eautwn aei kathgoroi, ad. Ep. Aeg. §6. i.e. by their variations, vid. Tit. iii. 11. autokatakritoj.
22 The party he is writing against is the Acacian, of whom he does not seem to have had much distinct knowledge. He contrasts them again and again in the passages which follow with the Eusebians of the Nicene Council, and says that he is sure that the ground they take when examined will be found substantially the same as the Eusebian. vid. §6 init. et alib. §7. init. §9. circ. fin. §10. circ. fin. §13. init. tote kai nun. §18. circ. fin. §28. fin [On Acacius see Prolegg. ch. ii. §8 (2) b.]
23 propinontej vid. de Syn. §14.
25 Hermas, Mand. ix., who is speaking immediately, as S. James, of wavering in prayer.
26 Thus S. Basil says the same of the Grecian Sects, "We have not the task of refuting their tenets, for they suffice for the overthrow of each other." Hexaem. i. 2. vid. also Theod. Graec. Affect. i. p. 707. &c. August. Civ. Dei, xviii. 41. and Vincentius's celebrated Commonitorium passim.
30 This is Athan.'s deliberate judgment. vid. de Sent. Dion. fin., ib. §24. he speaks of Arius's "hatred of the truth." Again, "though the diabolical men rave" Orat. iii. §8. "friends of the devil, and his spirits," Ad Ep. Aeg. 5. Another reason of his so accounting them, was their atrocious cruelty towards Catholics; this leads him elsewhere to break out: "O new heresy, that has put on the whole devil in irreligious doctrine and conduct!" Hist. Arias. §66, also Alexander, `diabolical,' ap Theod. Hist. i. 3, p. 731. `satanical,' ibid. p. 741. vid. also Socr. i. 9. p. 30 fin. Hilar. contr. Const. 17.
31 kataxrhstikwj. This word is noticed and protested against by Alexander, Socr. Hist. i. 6. p. 11 a. by the Semiarians at Ancyra, Epiph. Haer. 73. n. 5. by Basil. contr. Eunom. ii. 23. and by Cyril, Dial. ii. t. v. i. pp. 432, 3.
32 Vid. Ep. Aeg. 12. Orat. i. §5. 6. de Synod. 15, 16. Athanas. seems to have had in mind Socr. i. 6. p. 10, 11, or the like.
33 Vid. Orat. i. §38. The controversy turned on the question what was meant by the word `Son.' Though the Arians would not allow with the Catholics that our Lord was Son by nature, and maintained that the word implied a beginning of existence, they did not dare to say that He was Son merely in the sense in which we are sons, though, as Athan. contends, they necessarily tended to this conclusion, directly they receded from the Catholic view. Thus Arius said that He was a creature, `but not as one of the creatures.' Orat. ii. §19. Valens at Ariminum said the same, Jerom. adv. Lucifer. 18. Hilary says, that not daring directly to deny that He was God, the Arians merely asked `whether He was a Son.' de Trin. viii. 3. Athanasius remarks upon this reluctance to speak out, challenging them to present `the heresy naked,' de Sent. Dionys. 2. init. `No one,' he says elsewhere, `puts a light under a bushel; let them shew the world their heresy naked.' Ep. Aeg. 18. vid. ibid. 10. In like manner, Basil says that (though Arius was really like Eunomius, in faith, contr. Eunom. i. 4) Aetius his master was the first to teach openly (fanerwj), that the Father's substance was unlike, anomoioj, the Son's. ibid. i. 1. Epiphanius Haer. 76 p. 949. seems to say that the elder Arians held the divine generation in a sense in which Aetius did not, that is, they were not so consistent and definite as he. Athan. goes on to mention some of the attempts of the Arians to find some theory short of orthodoxy, yet short of that extreme heresy, on the other hand, which they felt ashamed to avow.
34 Deut. xiii. 18; Deut xiv. 1.
37 This is celebrated as an explanation of the Anomoeans. vid. Basil. contr. Eunom. ii. 20, 21. though Athan. speaks of it as belonging to the elder Arians. vid. Socr. Hist. i. 6.
38 i.e. what is your authority? is it not a novel, and therefore a wrong doctrine? vid. infr. §13. ad Serap. i. 3. Also Orat. i. §8. `Who ever heard such doctrine? or whence or from whom did they hear it? who, when they were under catechising, spoke thus to them? If they themselves confess that they now hear it for the first time, they must grant that their heresy is alien, and not from the Fathers.' vid. ii. §34. and Socr. i. 6. p. 11 c.
42 Vid. infr. §17 Orat. ii. §31. 71. Irenaeus calls the Son and Holy Spirit the Hands of God. Haer. iv, praef. vid. also Hilar. de Trin. vii. 22. This image is in contrast to that of instrument, organon, which the Arians would use of the Son. vid Socr. i. 6. p. 11, as implying He was external to God, whereas the word Hand implies His consubstantiality with the Father.
44 maqwn edidasken, implying the traditional nature of the teaching. And so S. Paul himself, 1 Cor. xv. 3, vid. for an illustration, supr. §5. init. also note 2.
48 Vid. infr. 20. Orat. i §31. ii. §§24, 28. 37. 40. iii. §§2. 60. de Synod §§18. 19. [Prolegg. ch. ii. §3(2)a.]
49 Vid. also infr. §20. de Synod. §17.
50 Vid. infr. §24. Orat. i. §15. fin. ii. §29. Epiph. Haer. 76. p. 951.
57 In like manner, `Men were made through the Word, when the Father Himself willed.' Orat. i. 63. `The Word forms matter as injoined by, and ministering to, God.' prostattomenoj kai utournwn. ibid. ii. §22. contr. Gent. 46. vid. note on Orat. ii. 22.
59 His argument is, that if the Son but partook the Father in the sense in which we partake the Son, then the Son would not impart to us the Father, but Himself, and would be a separating as well as uniting medium between the Father and us; whereas He brings us so near to the Father, that we are the Father's children, not His, and therefore He must be Himself one with the Father, or the Father must be in Him with an incomprehensible completeness. vid. de Synod. §51. contr. Gent. 46. fin. Hence S. Augustin says, `As the Father has life in Himself, so hath He given also to the Son to have life in Himself, not by participating, but in Himself. For we have not life in ourselves, but in our God. But that Father, who has life in Himself, begat a Son such, as to have life in Himself, not to become partaker of life, but to be Himself life; and of that life to make us partakers. Serm. 127. de Verb. Evang. 9.
61 `To say God is wholly partaken, is the same as saying that God begets.' Orat. i. §16. And in like manner, our inferior participation involves such sonship as is vouchsafed to us.
62 And so in Orat. ii. §19-22. `Though the Son surpassed other things on a comparison, yet He were equally a creature with them; for even in those things which are of a created nature, we may find some things surpassing others. Star, for instance, differs from star in glory, yet it does not follow that some are sovereign, and others serve, &c.' ii. 20. And so Gregory Nyssen contr. Eunom. iii. p. 132 D. Epiph. Haer. 76. p. 970.
63 Matt. xxv. 21, Matt xxv. 23, Matt. xxv. 34.
64 i.e. since it is impossible they can persist in evasions so manifest as these, nothing is left but to take the other sense of the word.
65 Paul of Samosata [see Prolegg. ch. ii. §3 (2)a.]
66 The force lies in the word fusei, `naturally,' which the Council expressed still more definitely by `essence.' Thus Cyril says, `the term "Son" denotes the essential origin from the Father.' Dial 5. p. 573. And Gregory Nyssen, `the title "Son" does not simply express the being from another' vid. infra. §19.), but relationship according to nature. contr. Eunom. ii. p. 91. Again S. Basil says, that Father is `a term of relationship,' oikeiwsewj. contr. Eunom. ii. 24. init. And hence he remarks, that we too are properly, kuriwj, sons of God, as becoming related to Him through works of the Spirit. ii. 23. So also Cyril, loc. cit. Elsewhere S. Basil defines father `one who gives to another the origin of being according to a nature like his own;' and a son `one who possesses the origin of being from another by generation,' contr Eun. ii. 22. On the other hand, the Arians at the first denied that `by nature there was any Son of God.' Theod. H. E. i. 3. p. 732.
67 vid. Eusebius, in his Letter, supr. p. 73 sq.: also Socr. Hist. i 8. Epiphan. Haer. 69. n 8 and 15.
68 One of the characteristic points in Athanasius is his constant attention to the sense of doctrine, or the meaning of writers, in preference to the words used. Thus he scarcely uses the symbol omoousion, one in substance, throughout his Orations, and in the de Synod. acknowledges the Semiarians as brethren. Hence infr. §18. he says, that orthodox doctrine `is revered by all though expressed in strange language, provided the speaker means religiously, and wishes to convey by it a religious sense.' vid. also §21. He says, that Catholics are able to `speak freely,' or to expatiate, parrhsiazomeqa, `out of Divine Scripture.' Orat.i §9. §9. vid. de Sent. Dionys. §20. init. Again: `The devil spoke from Scripture, but was silenced by the Saviour; Paul spoke from profane writers, yet, being a saint, he has a religious meaning.' de Syn. §39, also ad Ep. ¦g. 8. Again, speaking of the apparent contrariety between two Councils, `It were unseemly to make the one conflict with the other, for all their members are fathers; and it were profane to decide that these spoke well and those ill, for all of them have slept in Christ.' §43. also §47. Again: `Not the phrase, but the meaning and the religious life, is the recommendation of the faithful.' ad Ep. ¦g. §9.
69 vid. Orat. iii. §35, and Isa. i. 22.
70 Vid. also Incarn. §17. This contrast is not commonly found in ecclesiastical writers, who are used to say that God is present everywhere, in substance as well as by energy or power. S. Clement, however, expresses himself still more strongly in the same way, `In substance far off (for how can the originate come close to the Unoriginate?), but most close in power, in which the universe is embosomed.' Strom. 2. circ. init. but the parenthesis explains his meaning. Vid. Cyril. Thesaur. 6. p. 44. The common doctrine of the Fathers is, that God is present everywhere in substance. Vid. Petav. de Deo, iii. 8. and 9. It may be remarked, that S. Clement continues `neither enclosing nor enclosed.'
71 6 In Almighty God is the perfection and first pattern of what is seen in shadow in human nature, according to the imperfection of the subject matter; and this remark applies, as to creation, so to generation. Athanasius is led to state this more distinctly in another connection in Orat. i. §21. fin. `It belongs to the Godhead alone, that the Father is properly (kuriwj) Father, and the Son properly (kuriwj) Son; and in Them and Them only does it hold that the Father is ever Father, and the Son ever Son.' Accordingly he proceeds, shortly afterwards, as in the text, to argue, `For God does not make men His pattern, but rather we men, for that God is properly and alone truly Father of His own Son, are also called fathers of our own children, for "of Him is every father-hood in heaven and on earth named,"' §23. The Semiarians at Ancyra quote the same text for the same doctrine. Epiphan. Haer. 73. 5. As do Cyril in Joan. i. p. 24. Thesaur. 32. p. 281. and Damascene de Fid. Orth. i. 8. The same parallel, as existing between creation and generation is insisted on by Isidor. Pel. Ep. iii. 355. Basil contr. Eun. iv. p. 280 A., Cyril Thesaur. 6. p. 43. Epiph. Haer. 69. 36. and Gregor. Naz. Orat. 20. 9. who observes that God creates with a word, Ps. cxlviii. 5, which evidently transcends human creations. Theodorus Abucara, with the same object, draws out the parallel of life, zwh, as Athan. that of being, einai. Opusc. iii. p. 420-422.
72 Vid. de Synod. §51. Orat. i. §15, 16. reusth. vid. Orat. i. §28. Bas. in Eun. ii. 23. rusin. Bas. in Eun. ii. 6. Greg. Naz. Orat. 28, 22. Vid. contr. Gentes, §41, 42; where Athan. without reference to the Arian controversy, draws out the contrast between the Godhead and human nature.
73 S. Cyril, Dial iv. init. p. 505 E. speaks of the qrulloumeh, and disclaims it, Thesaur. 6. p. 43. Athan. disclaims it, Expos. §1. Orat. i. §21. So does Alexander, ap. Theod. Hist. i 3. p. 743. On the other hand, Athanasius quotes it in a passage which he adduces from Theognostus, infr. §25. and from Dionysius, de Sent. D. §23. and Origen uses it, Periarchon, i. 2. It is derived from Wisd. vii. 25.
75 The title `Word' implies the ineffable mode of the Son's generation, as distinct from material parallels, vid. Gregory Nyssen, contr. Eunom. iii. p. 107. Chrysostom in Joan.Hom. 2. §4. Cyril Alex. Thesaur. 5. p. 37. Also it implies that there is but One Son. vid. infr. §16. `As the Origin is one essence, so its Word and Wisdom is one, essential and subsisting.' Orat, iv. 1. fin.
76 `Man,' says S. Cyril, `inasmuch as he had a beginning of being, also has of necessity a beginning of begetting, as what is from him is a thing generate, but. ...if God's essence transcend time, or origin, or interval, His generation too will transcend these; nor does it deprive the Divine Nature of the power of generating, that it doth not this in time. For other than human is the manner of divine generation; and together with God's existing is His generating implied, and the Son was in Him by generation, nor did His generation precede His existence, but He was always, and that by generation.' Thesaur. v. p. 35.
81 Jer. ii. 13. Vid. infr. passim. All these titles, `Word, Wisdom, Light' &c., serve to guard the title `Son' from any notions of parts or dimensions, e.g. `He is not composed of parts, but being impassible and single. He is impassibly and indivisibly Father of the Son ...for ...the Word and Wisdom is neither creature, nor part of Him Whose Word He is, nor an offspring passibly begotten.' Orat. i. §28.