1 Hippol., vol. i. p. 7. Ed. London, 1851.
2 See this series, vol. iii. Elucid. II. p. 630.
3 See this series, vol. i. pp. 309, 360; also vol. ii. p. 166, and Milman (vol. i. pp. 28, 29), Latin Christianity.
1 I venture to state this to encourage young students to keep pen in hand in all their researches, and always to make notes.
2 Pompey and others were called imperatoresbefore the Caesars, but who includes them with the Roman emperors?
3 How St. Peter would regard it, see 1 Pet. v. 1-3. I am sorry to find Dr. Schaff, in his useful compilation, History of the Christian Church, vol. ii. p 166, dropping, into the old ruts of fable, after sufficiently proving just before, what I have maintained. He speaks of "the insignificance of the first Popes,"-meaning the early Bishops of Rome, men who minded their own business, but could not have been "insignificant" had they even imagined themselves "Popes."
4 See Bossuet, passim, and all the Callican doctors down to our own times. In England the "supremacy" was never acknowledged nor in France, until now.
5 See his Hippol., vol. i. pp. 209, 311.
6 See vol. ii. p. 298, this series.
8 Vol. iv p 114, Elucidation II., this series.
9 Even Quinet notes this. See his Ultamontanism, p. 40, ed. 1845.
10 Bunsen gives it as the thirty-fifth, vol. i. p. 311.
11 Of which we shall learn in vol. viii., this series.
12 See Bingham, book ix. cap. i. sec. 9.
13 Wordsworth, chap. viii. p, 93.
14 See vol. I, pp. 415, 460, this series.
15 Introduction to Greek Classics, p.228.
16 See vol. ii. p. 12, also iv. 210.
1 The four of the MSS. of the first book extant prior to the recent discovery of seven out of the remaining nine books of The Refutation, concur in ascribing it to Origen. These inscriptions run thus: 1. "Refutation by Orison of all Heresies;" 2. "Of Origen's Philosophumena... these are the contents;" 3. "Being estimable (Dissertations) by Origen, a man of the greatest wisdom." The recently discovered MS. itself in the margin has the words, "Origen, and Origen's opinion." The title, as agreed upon by modern commentators, is: 1. "Book I. of Origen's Refutation of all Heresies" (Wolf and Gronovius); 2. "A Refutation of all Heresies; " 3. "Origen's Philosophumena, or the Refutation of all Heresies." The last is Stiller's in his Oxford edition, 1851. The title might have been, "Philosophumena, and the Refutation (therefrom) of all Heresies." There were obviously two divisions of the work: (1) A resume of the tenets of the philosophers (books i., ii., iii., iv.), preparatory to (2) the refutation of heresies, on the ground of their derivative character from Greek and Egyptian speculation. Bunsen would denominate the work "St. Hippolytus' (Bishop and Martyr) Refutation of all Heresies; what remains of the ten books."
2 Most of what follows in book i. is a compilation from ancient sources. The ablest resume followed by Cicero in the De Nat. Deor., of the tenets of the ancient philosophers, is to be found in Aristotle's Metaphysics. The English reader is referred to the Metaphysics, book i. pp. 13-46 (Bohn's Classical Library), also to the translator's analysis prefixed to this work, pp, 17-25 See also Diogenes' Lives of the Philosophers, and Tenneman's Manual of Philosophy (translated in Bohn's Library); Plutarch, De Placitis Philosophorum; Lewes' Biographical History of (Ancient) Philolophy; and Rev. Dr. F. D. Maurice's History of (Ancient) Metaphysical and Moral Philosophy. The same subject is discussed in Ritter's History of Philosophy (translated by Morrison).
3 This word is variously given thus: Academian, Academeian, Academaic, Academe, Cademian, and Cadimian. The two last would seem to indicate the character rather than the philosophy of Pyrrho. To favour this view, the text should be altered into kai adhmoj, i.e., apodhmoj = from home, not domestic.
4 Some hiatus at the beginning of this sentence is apparent.
5 An elaborate defence of this position forms the subject of Cudworth's great work, The True Intellectual System of the Universe.
6 This statement has been urged against Origen's authorship, in favour of Epiphinius, who wrote an extended treatise on the Heresies, with an abridgment.
7 That is, their esoteric mysteries, intended only for a favoured few, as contrasted with the exoteric. designed for more general diffusion.
8 One ms. has-"the profane opinion and unreasonable attempt."
10 "And those that are irrational animals do not attempt," (or) "because irrational," etc. The last is Sancroft's reading; that in the text, Roeper's.
12 This passage is quoted by those who impugn the authorship of Origen on the ground of his never having been a bishop of the Church. It is not, however, quite certain that the words refer to the episcopal office exclusively.
13 The common reading is in the future, but the present tense is adopted by Richter in his Critical Observations, p. 77.
14 It might be, "any opinion that may be subservient to the subject taken in hand." This is Cruice's rendering in his Latin version. A different reading is, "we must not be silent as regards reasons that hold good," or, "as regards rational distinctions," or, "refrain from utterances through the instrument of reasoning." The last is Roeper's.
15 Another reading is, "bringing into a collection."
17 Or, "indicating a witness; " or, "having adduced testimony,"
19 Or:, "devoting his attention to; " or, "having lighted upon."
20 The chief writers on the early heresies are: Irenaeus, of the second century; Hippolytus, his pupil, of the third; Philastrius, Epiphanius, and St. Augustine, of the fourth century. The learncd need scarcely be reminded of the comprehensive digest furnished by Ittigius in the preface to his dissertation on the heresies of the apostolic and post-apostolic ages. A book more within the reach of the general reader is Dr. Burton's Inquiry into the Heresies of the Apostolic Age.
21 [These were: Periander of Corinth, B.C. 585; Pittacus of Mitylene, B.C. 570; Thales of Miletus, B.C. 548: Solon of Athens, B.C.540; Chilo of Sparta, B.C. 597; Bias of Priene; Cleobulus of Lindus, B.C. 564 ]
22 Or, "motions of the stars" (Roeper).
23 Or, "carried along" (Roeper).
24 Or," that which is divine." See Clemens Alexandrinus, Strom., v. pp. 461, 463 (Heinisus and Sylburgius' ed.). Thales, on being asked, "What is God?!" "That," replied he, "which has neither beginning nor end."
27 "And arithmetic" (added by Roeper).
30 Or, "in conformity with his hypothesis."
32 Or, "an everlasting nature;" or, "having the roots of an everlasting nature in itself," the words "as it were" being omitted in some MSS.
34 1t should be probably, "monad, number." The monad was with Pythagoras, and in imitation of him with Leibnitz, the highest generalization of number, and a conception in abstraction, commensurate with what we call essence, whether of matter or spirit.
35 Kobisqh in text must be rendered" multiplied." The formulary is self-evident: (a2)2 = a4, (a2)3 = a6, (a3)3 = a9.
36 Or Thallis, Aethalides, a son of Hermes, was herald of the Argonauts, and said never to have forgotten anything. In this way his soul remembered its successive migrations into the bodies of Euphorbus, Hermotimus, Pyrrhus, and Pythagoras. (See Diogenes' Lives, book viii. chap. i. sec. 4.)
37 No name occurs more frequently in the annals of Greek literature than that of Diodorus. One, however, wiih the title "of Eretria," as far is the translator knows, is mentioned only by Hippolytus; so that this is likely another Diodorus to be added to the long list already cxisting. It may be that Dioclorus Eretriensis is the same as Diodorus Crotnniates, a Pythagorean philospher. See Fabricius' Biblioth. Grac., lib ii. cap. iii., lib. iii. cap. xxxi.; also Meursius' Annotations, p. 20, on Chalcidius' Commentary on Plato's Timaeus. The article in Smith's Dictionary is a transcript of these.
38 Aristoxenus is mentioned by Cicero in his Tusculan Questions, book i. chap. i. xviii, as having broached a theory in psychology, which may have suggested, in modern times, to David Hartley his hypothesis of sensation being the result of nerval vibrations. Cicero says of Aristoxenus, "that he was so charmed with his own harmonies, that he sought to transfer them into investigations concerning our corporeal and spiritual nature."
39 Zaratas is another form of the name Zoroaster.
40 Or, "is a nature according to musical harmony" (preceding note); or, "The cosmica system is a nature and a musical harmony."
41 Zaras, or Zoroaster, is employed as a sort of generic denomination for philosopher by the Orieintals, who, whatever portions of Asia they inhabit, mostly ascribe their speculative systems try a Zoroaster. No less than six individuals bearing this name are spoken of. Arnobius ( Contr. Gentes., i. 52) mentions four-(1) a Chaldean, (2) Bactrian, (3) Pamphylian, (4) Armenian. Pliny mentions a fifth as a native of Proconnesus ( Nat. Hist.., xxx. 1), while Apaleius ( Florida, ii. 15) a sixth Zoroaster, a native of Babylon, and contemporar with Pythagoras, the one evidently alluded to by Hippolytus. (See translator's Treatise on Metaphisics, chap. ii.)
42 Or, "that it was hot and cold," or "hot of moist."
43 Or it might be rendered, "a process of arrangement." The Abbe Cruice (in his edition of Hippolytus, Paris, 1860) suggests a different reading, which would make the words translate thus, "when the earth was an undigested and solid mass."
44 [See book vi. cap. xxii., infra, and note. But Clement gives another explanation. See vol. ii. p. 385, this series.]
46 Or, "leading them down into cells, made them," etc.; or, "made his disciples observe silence," etc.
47 Or, "and beast," more in keeping with the sense of the name; or "a lamb" has been suggested in the Gottingen edition of Hippolytus.
48 Or, "traveller into the sea;" or, "mute ones from the sea;" or, "from the sea a glittering fish."
49 Or, "being the instructor of this (philosopher)."
50 Proclus, in his commentary on Plato's Timaeus, uses almost the same words: "but Heraclitus, in asserting his own universal knowledge, makes out all the rest of mankind ignorant."
51 Or, "and among these, Socrates a moral philosopher, and Aristotle a logician, originated systems."
55 That is, Antipodes. Diogenes Laertius was of the opinion that Plato first indicated by name the Antipodes.
56 Or, "727 times," is an improbable reading.
57 "In moisture" is properly added, as Plutarch, in his De Placitis, v. xix., remarks that "Anthimander affirms that prinmiary animials were produced in moisture."
58 This word seems requisite to the sense of the passage.
59 B.C. 610. On Olympiads, see Jarvis, Introd., p. 21.]
60 Or, "revolutionary motion."
61 Plutarch, in his De Placitis Philosophorum, attributes both opinions to Anaximenes, viz., that the sun was moved both under and around the earth.
63 Aristotle considers that Anaxaporas was the first to broach the existence of efficient causes in nature. He states, however, that Hermotimus received the credit of so doing at an earlier date.
65 Simplicius, in his Commentary on Aristotle's Physics, where (book i. c. 2) Anaxagoras is spoken of, says that the latter maintained that "all things existed simultaneously-infinite things, and plurality, and diminutiveness, for even what was diminutive was infinite." (See Aristotle's,Metaphysics, iii. 4, Macmahon's translation, p. 93.) This explains Hippolytus' remark, while it suggests an emendation of the text.
66 Or, "in the Antipodes; " or, "from the snow in Aethiopia."
67 Or, "overpowered by the sun," that is, whose light was lost in the superior brilliancy of the sun.
71 Or, "both many of the rest of the animal kingdom, and man himself." (See Diogenes Laertius' Lives, ii. 17.)
72 There is some confusion in the text here, but the rendering given above, though conjectural, is highly probable. One proposed emendation would make the passage run thus: "for that each body employed mind, sometimes slower, sometimes faster."
74 The next sentence is regarded by some as not genuine.
76 Or, "when again mutually connected, that different entities were generated." (See Diogenes Laertius' Lives, ix. 30-32.)
77 [Died in his hundred and ninth year, B.C. 361.]
80 [Incredible. Cyrus the younger, fell at Cunaxa B.C. 401. Cyrus the elder was a contemporary of Xenophanes.]
83 The textual reading is in the present, but obviously requires a past tense.
84 Some confusion has crept into the text. The first clause of the second sentence belongs probably to the first. The sense would then run thus: "Ecphantus affirmed the impossibility of dogmatic truth, for that every one was permitted to frame definitions as he thought proper."
85 Or, "that there is, according to this, a multitude of defined existences, and that such is infinite."
87 [So far anticipating modern science.]
89 Or, "writing." Still Socrates may be called the father of the Greek philosophy. "From the age of Aristotle and Plato, the rise of the several Greek sects may be estimated as so many successful or abortive efforts to carry out the principles enunciated by Socrates."-Translator's Treatise on Metaphysics, chap. iii. p. 45.
90 This word signifies to take impressions from anything, which justifies the translation, historically correct, given above. Its literal import is "wipe clean," and in this sense Hippolytus may intend to assert that Plato wholly appropriated the philosophy of Socrates. (See Diogenes Laertius, xi. 61, where the same word occurs.)
91 De Legibus, iv, 7 (p. 109, vol. viii. ed. Bekker).
92 Timeus, c xvi. (p. 277, voL vii. ed. Bekker). The passage runs thus in the original: "Gods of gods, of whom I am Creator and Father of works, which having been formed by Me, are indissoluble, through, at all events, My will."
93 The word is literally a cup or bowl, and, being employed by Plato in an allegorical sense, is evidently intended to signify the anima mundi (soul of the world), which constituted a sort of depository for all spiritual existences in the world.
94 Or, "that, there exists a necessity for the corruption of everything created."
95 Or, "are confirmed by that (philosopher Plato), because he asserts," etc.; or, "those who assert the soul's immortality are especially confirmed in their opinion, as many as affirm the existence of a future state of retribution."
96 Or, "that he changes different souls," etc.
98 Diogenes Laertius, in describing the system of the Stoics, employs the same word in the case of their view of virtue.
99 This is supplied from the original; the passage occurs in the Phaedrus, c. lx. (p. 86;, vol. i. ed. Bekker).
100 The word Adrasteia was a name for Nemesis, and means here unalterable destiny.
101 The passage occurs in Clilophon (p. 244, vol. vi ed Bekker).
102 The text, as given by Miller, is scarcely capable of any meaning. The translation is therefore conjectural, in accordance with alterations proposed by Schneidewin.
104 Or, "the fifth body, in which it is supposed to be, along with the other four (elements); " or,"the fifth body, which is supposed to be (composed) of the other four."
105 Hippolytus expresses himself in the words of Stobaeus, who says ( Eclog., ii. 274): "And among reputed external blessings are nobility, wealth, glory, peace, freedom, friendship."
106 Or, "glory, the confirmed power of friends."
107 One of the MSS. elucidated the simile in the text thus; "But if he is not disposed, there is absolutely a necessity for his being drawn along. And in like manner men, if they do not follow fate, seem to be free agents, though the reason of (their being) fate holds assuredly valid. If, however, they do not wish to follow, they will absolutely be coerced to enter upon what has been fore-ordained."
108 Or, "is immortal." Diogenes Laertius (book vii) notices, in his section on Zino, as part of the Stoic doctrine, "that the soul abides after death, but that it is perishable."
109 Or, "through what is incorporeal;" that is, through what is void or empty space.
110 Or, "resurrection; " or, "resistance;" that is, a resisting medium.
111 The atomic theory is, as already mentioned by Hippolytus, of more ancient date than Epicurus' age, being First broached by Leucippus and Democritus. This fact, however, has, as Cudworth argues, been frequently overlooked by those who trace the doctrine to no older a source than the founder of the Epicurean philosophy.
112 Or, "that neither has He business to do, nor does He attend to any. As a consequence of which fact," etc.
113 "Among the Gentiles" seems a mistake. One reading proposed is, "some (intended) our sensuous passions; " or, "some understood the passions." The words "among the Gentiles," the French commentator, the Abbe Cruice, is of opinion, were added by Christian hands, in order to draw a contrast between the virtuous Christian and the vicious pagan.
114 See Diogenes Laertius' Lives, x. 63 (Bohn's Library); Plutarch, De Placitis Philosophorum, iv. 3.
115 Diogenes Laertius, Lives, ix. 75; Sextus Empiricus, Hypotyp., i. 188-192.
116 This is what the Academics called "the phenomenon" (Sextus Empiricus, Pyrrh. Hyp., i. i9-22).
117 This is a mistake in the manuscript for Ganges, according to Roeper.
118 Or, "knowledge." (See Clemens Alexandrinus, Strom., i., xv., lxxii.; Eusebius, Prapaerat. Evang., ix. 6.)
119 Athenaeus ( Deipn., book ix ) ascribes this opinion to Plato, who, he tells us, "asserted that the soul was so constituted, that it should reject its last covering, that of vanity."
120 Or, "they name light their god; " or, "they celebrate in their own peculiar language God, whom they name," etc.
121 The text here would seem rather confused. The above translation agrees with Cruice's and Schneidewin's Latin version. I have doubts about its correctness, however, and would render it thus: "...enveloped in a body extrinsic to the divine essence, just as if one wore a sheepskin covering; but that his body, on being divested of this (covering), would appear visible to the naked eye." Or, "This discourse whom they name God they affirm to be incorporeal, but enveloped in a body outside himself (or his own body) (just as if one carried a covering of sheepskin to have it seen); but having stripped off the body in which he is enveloped, that he no longer appears visible to the naked eye." (Roeper.) I am not very confident that this exactly conveys the meaning of Roeper's somewhat obscure Greek paraphrase.
122 The parenthetical words Roeper considers introduced into the text from a marginal note.
123 Or "Zamalxis," or "Zametris" (see Menagius on Diogenes Laetrius, viii. 2).
124 Or, "of Thracian origin." The words are omitted in two MSS.
125 There are several verbal differences from the original in Hippolytus' version. These may be seen on comparing it with Hesiod's own text. The particular place which Hesiod occupies in the history of philosophy is pointed out by Aristotle in his Metaphysics. The Stagyrite detects in the Hesiodic cosmogony, in the principle of "love," the dawn of a recognition of the necessity of an efficient cause to account for the phenomena of nature. It was Aristotle himself, however, who built up the science of causation; and in this respect humanity owes that extraordinary man a deep debt of gratitude.
126 Or "youngest," or "most vigorous." This is Hesiod's word, which signifies literally," fittest for bearing arms" (for service, as we say).
127 "The majority of those who first formed systems of philosophy, consider those that subsist in a form of matter, to be alone the principle of all things."-Aristotle's Metaphisics, book i. c. iii. p. 13 (Bohn's ed.).
2 Hippolytus gives the substance of Sextus Empiricus' remarks, omitting, however, a portion of the passage followed. (See Sextus Empiricus' Mathem., v. 44.)
4 Or, "Celbes," or "Ademes." The first is the form of the name employed in book v. c, viii.; the second in book x. c. vi.
5 This passage occurs in Sextus Empiricus.
7 Horoscope (from wpa skopoj) is the act of observing the aspect of the heavens at the moment of any particular birth. Hereby the astrologer alleged his ability of foretelling the future career of the person so born. The most important part of the sky for the astrologer's consideration was that sign of the Zodiac which rose above the horizon at the moment of parturition. This was the "horoscope ascendant," or "first house." The circuit of the heavens was divided into twelve "houses," or zodiacal signs.
10 apotecewj; some would read apotacewj.
11 The passage is given more explicitly in Sextus Empiricus. (See Adversus Astrol., v. 53.)
12 Sextus uses almost these words.
13 Or "lodgment" (Sextus), or "deposition."
14 Or, "attendants of physicians."
18 The passage is more clearly given in Sextus.
23 Or, "but the motion... is whirled on with velocity."
24 This rendering of the passage may be deduced from Sextus Empiricus.
25 The text is corrupt, but the above seems probably the meaning, and agrees with the rendering of Schneidewin and Cruice.
27 The clepsydra, an instrument for measuring duration, was, with the sun-dial, invented by the Egyptians under the Ptolemies. It was employed not only for the measurernent of time, but for making astronomic calculations. Water, as the name imports, was the fluid employed, though mercury has been likewise used. The inherent defect of an instrument of this description is mentioned by Hippolytus.
28 Literally, "twisting, tergiversating."
29 This seems the meaning, as deducible from a comparison of Hippolytus with the corresponding passage in Sextus Empiricus.
31 The Abbe Cruice observes, in regard of some verbal difference here in the text from that of Sextus, that the MS. of The Refutationwas probably executed by one who heard the extracts from other writers read to him, and frequently mistook the sound. The transcriber of the MS. was one Michael, as we learn from a marginal note at the end.
32 This was the great doctrine of astrology, the forerunner of the science of astronomy. Astrology seems to have arisen first among the Chaldeans, out of the fundamental principle of their religion -the assimilation of the divine nature to light. This tenet introduced another, the worship of the stars, which was developed into astrology. Others suppose astrology to have been of Arabian or Egyptian origin. From some of these sources it reached the Greeks, and through them the Romans, who held the astrologic art in high repute. The art, after having become almost extinct, was revived by the Arabians at the verve of the middle ages. For the history of astrology one must consult the writings of Manilius, Julius Firmicus, and Ptolemy. Its greatest medieval apologist is Cardan, the famous physician of Paris (see his work, De Astron. Judic., lib. vi.-ix. tom. v. of his collected works).
33 Sextus adds, "bright-eyed."
34 Hippolytus here follows Sextus.
35 Aratus, from whom Hippolytus quotes so frequently in this chapter, was a poet and astronomer of antiquity, born at Soli in Cilicia. He afterwards became physician to Gonatus, son of Demetrius Poliorcetes, king of Macedon, at whose court he rose high into favour. The work alluded to by Hippolytus is Aratus' Phaenomena,-a versified account of the motions of the stars, and of sidereal influence over men. This work seems to have been a great favourite with scholars, if we are to judge from the many excellent annotated editions of it that have appeared. Two of these deserve notice, viz., Grotius' Leyden edition, 1600, in Greek and Latin; and Buhle's edition, Leipsic, 1803. See also Dionysius Petavius' Uranoiogion. Arbutus must always be famous, from the fact that St. Paul (Acts xiii. 28) quotes the fifth line of the Phaenomena. Cicero considered Aratus a noble poet, and translated the Phaenimena into Latin, a fragment of which has been preserved, and is in Grotius' edition. Aratus has been translated into English verse, with notes by Dr. Lamb, Dean of Bristol (London: J. W. Parker, 1858).
36 The Abbe Cruice suggests "freedom from danger," instead of "cowardice," and translates thus: "whereby kings are slain, by having impunity promised in the predictions of these seers."
37 Sextus makes the number "nine thousand nine hundred and seventy and seven years."
38 The parenthetical words are taken from Sextus Empiricus, as introduced into his text by the Abbe Cruice. Schneidewin alludes to the passage in Sextus as proof of some confusion in Hippolytus' text, which he thinks is signified by the transcriber in the words, "I think there is some deficiency or omissions," which occur in the MS. of The Refutation.
39 As regards astological predictions, see Origen's Comment. on Gen.; Diodorus of Tarsus, De Fato; Photii Biblioth., cod, ccxxiii.; and Bardesanis, De Legibus Nationum, in Cureton's Spicilegium Syriacum.
41 Schneidewin, on Roeper's suggestion, amends the passage thus, though I am not sure that I exactly render his almost unintelligible Latin version: "For as many sections as there are of eacb, there are educible from the monad more segments than sections; for example, if," etc. The Abbe Cruice would seemingly adopt the following version: "For whatsoever are sections of each, now there are more segments than sections of a monad, will become; for example, if," etc.
42 Schneidewin, on mathematical authority, discredits the numerical calculations ascribed to Archimedes.
43 This is manifestly erroneous; the total could only be "four myriads!"
44 The Abbe Cruice thinks that the word should be "tones," supporting his emendation on the authority of Pliny, who states that Pythagoras called the distance of the Moon from the Earth a tone, deriving the term from musical science (see Pliny's Hist. Nat., ii. 20).
45 These numerical speculations are treated of by Archimedes in his work On the Number of the Sand, in which he maintains the possibility of counting the sands, even on the supposition of the world's being much larger than it is (see Archimedes, ta mexri nun swzomena apanta, Treatise yammithj, p. 120, ed. Eustoc. Ascalon., Basil, 1544).
46 Colarbasus is afterwards mentioned in company with Marcus the heretic, at the beginning and end of book vi of The Refutation.
47 This word ( sleoiazousi), more than once used by Hippolytus, is applied to anything done offhand, e.g., an extempore speech. It therefore might be made to designate immaturity of opinion. Sxediameans something hastily put together, viz., a raft; sxeoioj, sudden.
48 Schneidewin suggests omwj instead of oimoiwj. The word ( ehanisamenoi) translated "appropriating" is derived from eranoj, which signifies a meal to which those who partake of it have each contributed some dish (pic-nic). The term, therefore, is an expressive one for Hippolytus' purpose.
49 proynwstikouj. Some would read proj ynwstkouj.
50 Some propose dochj. "opinion." Hippolytus, however, used the word oizhj (translated "school") in a similar way at the end of chap. i. of book iv. "Novelty" is read instead of "knavery;" and for anapleou, "full," is proposed (1) anapleontaj, (a) anapterountaj.
51 The subject of the numerical system employed by the Gnostics, and their occult mysteries, is treated of by the learned Kircher, Aedipi Aegypt.., tom. ii. part i, de Cabala Hebraeorum; also in his Arithmolog. in the book De Arithmomantiaa Gnosticor., cap. viii., de Cabala Pythagorea. See also Mersennes, Comment. on Genes.
52 This subject is examined by Cornelius Agrippa in his celebrated work, De vanitate et incertitudine Scientiarum, chap. xi., De Sorte Pythagoriea. Terentiuc Maurus has also a versified work on Letters and Syllables and Metres, in which he alludes to similar interpretations educible from the names Hector and Patroclus.
53 - That is, the division by nine.
54 That is, calculated according to the rule of a division by seven.
55 We should expect rather five instead of 9, if the division be by nine.
56 There is some confusion in the text. Miller conjectures that the reading should be: "As, for instance, the name Patroclus has the letter o occurring twice in it, they therefore take it into calculation once." Schneidewin suggests that the form of the name may be Papatroclus.
57 Miller says there is an error in the calculation here.
58 This is as near the sense of the passage as a translation in some respects conjectural can make it.
59 The word qelein occurs in this sentence, but is obviously superfluous.
60 In the margin of the Ms. is the note, "Opinion of the Metopiscopists."
61 These words are out of place. See next note.
62 There is evidently some displacement of words here. Miller and Schneidewin suggest: "There are some who ascribe to the influence of the stars the natures of men: since, in computing the births of individuals, they thus express themselves as if they were moulding the species of men." The Abbe Cruice would leave the text as it is, altering only tupountej ideaj into tupwn te ideaj.
63 Literally, "jumping; " others read "blackish," or "expressive" (literally, "talking"). The vulgar reading, upo alloij, is evidently untenable.
64 Or "cowardly," or "cowards at heart;" or some read, laropoioi, i.e., "causative of gl"
65 Or, "diseased with unnatural lust," i.e., nosountej for noountej.
66 Or, kat epoj, "verbally rejecting anything."
67 Or better, "weak in the limbs."
70 Some read kalw yeyennhmenwn/, or kalw tetennhmenwn.
71 Or, "they are given to hoarding, they have possessions."
72 This is an amended reading of the text, which is obviously confused. The correction necessary is introduced lower down in the MS., which makes the same characteristic be twice mentioned. The Abbe Cruice, however, accounts for such a twofold mention, on the ground that the whole subject is treated by Hippolytus in such a way as to expose the absurdities of the astrologic predictions. He therefore quotes the opinions of various astrologers, in order to expose the diversities of opinion existing among them.
73 Manilius maintains that persons born under Cancer are of an avaricious and usurious disposition. (See Astronom., iv. 5.)
74 Or, "having the upper parts larger than the lower."
76 Schneidewin conjectures asunhqeij, i.e., inexperienced.
79 Miller gives an additional sentence: "They are of equal measurement at tbe (same) age, and possess a body perfect and erect."
81 Or, "speaking falsehoods, they will be believed."
82 The parenthetical words are obviously an interpolation.
85 Literally "moist," or "difficult;" or, the Abbe Cruice suggests, "fortuitous."
86 Or, "pragmatic, mild, not violent."
87 Hippolytus, having exposed the system of sidereal influence over men, proceeds to detail the magical rites and operations of the sorcerers. This arrangement is in conformity with the technical divisions of astrology into (1) judiciary, (2) natural. The former related to the prediction of future events, and the latter of the phenomena of nature, being thus akin to the art of magic.
88 The text here and at the end of the last chapter is somewhat imperfect.
89 Or "cushion" (Cruice), or "couch," or "a recess."
90 Or "goes up," or "commences," or "enters in before the others, bearing the oblation" (Cruice).
92 The Abbe Cruice considers that this passage, as attributing all this jugglery to the artifice of sorcerers, militates against the authorship of Origen, who ascribes ( Heri Arxwn, lib. iii. p. 144, ed. Benedict.) the same results not to the frauds of magicians, but to demons.
95 On the margin of the MS., we find the words, "concerning coals," "concerning magical signs," "concerning sheep."
96 Or, paradoqeij, "he delivers it a sword, and departs."
98 The words "death of a goat" occur on the margin of the MS.
99 A similar statement is made, on the authority of Alcmaeon, by Aristotle in his Histor. Animal., i. 2.
100 Mannh is the word in the text. But manna in the ordinary acceptation of the tenn can scarcely be intended. Pliny, however, mentions it as a proper name of grains of incense and resin. The Abbe Cruice suggests the very probable emendation of malqh, which signifies a mixture of wax and resin for caulking ships.
101 diaulon in the text has been altered into kelanon. The trans- ~ lator has followed the latter.
102 Or "indissoluble," or "inseparable."
103 Marsilius Ficinus (in his Commentary on Plotinrus, p. 504 et sec., vol. ii. Creuzer's edition), who here discusses the subject of demons and magical art, mentions, on the authority of Porphyry, that sorcerers had the power of evoking demons, and that a magician, in the presience of many, had shown to Plotinus his guardian demon (angel). This constitutes the Goetic department of magic.
105 Mursinh This word is evidently not the right one, for we have ( smurnh) myrrh mentioned. Perhaps the word malqh, suggested in a previous passage, is the one employed here likewise.
106 Or, "makes speedy preparation;" or, "resorts to the contrivance of."
107 The words in italics are added by the Abbe Cruice. There is obviously some hiatus in the original.
109 In the margin of the MS. occur the words, "concerning the brealking of the seals."
110 Or, "exposed their method of proceeding in accordance with the system of Gnosticism." Schneidewin, following C. Fr. Hermann, is of opinion that what follows is taken from Celsus' work on magic, to which Origen alludes in the Contra Celsum, lib. i. p.53 (Spencer's edition). Lucian (the well-known satirist), in his Alexander, or Pseudomiantis, gives an account of the jugglery of these magicians. See: note, chap. xlii. of this book.
111 Or, "ground"-forukthj,( al.) frukthj, ( al.) frukthj, ( al.) frukthj.
113 Or "taught," or "adduced," or "delivered."
114 This sentence is obviously out of place, and should properly come in probably before the words, "These contrivances, however, I hesitated to narrate," etc., a few lines above in this chapter. The Abbe Cruice conjectures that it may have been written on the margin by some reader acquainted with chemistry, and thatafterwards it found its way into the text.
115 Some read faneron for paron.
116 What cyanus was is not exactly known. It was employed in the Homeric age for the adornment of implements of war. Whatever the nature of the substance be, it was of a dark-blue colour. Some suppose it to have been blue steel, other, blue copper. Theophrastus' account of it makes it a stone like a dark sapphire.
117 Or, "with the head downwards."
118 There is some hiatus here.
120 Or, "suspending a drum, etc., covered with," etc.; or "frequently placing on an elevated position a drum." For porrwqen, which is not here easy of explanation, some read tornwqen, others !porpwqen, i.e, fastened with buckles; others, porrw teqen.
121 Schneidewin, but not the Abbe Cruice, thinks there is a hiatus here.
122 There are diferent readings: (1) etumololikhj; (2) eti oloklhrou; (3) ualourgikhj, i e., composed of glass. (See next note.)
123 The Abbe Cruice properly remarks that this has no meaning here. He would read ualwdesi topoij, or by means of glass images.
125 The Abbe Cruice suggests epipleon bwlou, which he thinks corresponds with the material of which the pyramid mentioned in a previous chapter was composed. He, however, makes no attempt at translating epipleon, Does he mean that the skull was filled with clay? His emendation is forced.
126 Or, "rubbings of" (Cruice).
128 Some similar juggleries are mentioned by Lucian in his Alexander, or Psendomantis, xxxii. 26,-a work of a kindred nature to Celsus' Treatise on Magic (the latter alluded to by Origen, Contr. Cels., lib. i p. 53 ed. Spenc.), and dedicated by Lucian to Celsius.
129 The word magic, or magician, at its origin, had no sinister meaning, as being the science professed by the Magi, who were an exclusive religious sect of great antiquity in Persia, universally venerated for their mathematical skill and erudition generally. It was persons who practised wicked arts, and assumed the name of Magi, that brought the term into disrepute. The origin of magic has been ascribed fo Zoroaster, and once devised, it made rapid progress; because, as Pliny reminds us, it includes three systems of the greatest influence among men-(1) the art of medicine, (2) religion, divination. This corresponds with Agrippa's division of magic into (1) natural, (2) celestial, (3) ceremonial, or superstitious. This last has been also called "goetic " (full of imposture), and relates to the invocatioms of devils. This originated probably in Egypt, and quickly spread all over the world.
130 Or, "topic discussed; " or, "not leave any place (subterfuge) for these," etc.
132 See Aristotle's Metaphiysics, book i.; Cicero, De Natura Deorum, book i. (both translated in Bohn's (classical Library); and Plutarch, De Placitis Philosophorum. lib. i.
133 The mention of the Persians, Babylonians, and Egyptians shows the subject-matter of the lost books to have been concerning the speculative systems of these nations.
134 This rendering follows Miller's text. Schneidewin thinks there is a hiatus, which the Abbe Cruice fills up, the latter translating the passage without an interrogation: "The Egyptians, who think themselves more ancient than all, have formed their ideas of the power of the Deity by calculations and computing," etc.
135 Or, "meditation on the divine nature," or "godlike reflection."
137 The Abbe Cruice suggests the elimination of 9, on account of its being a divisible number.
138 Miller considers some reference here to the six days' creation (Hexaemeron), on account at the word fusikwtera, i.e., more natural. The Abbe Cruice considers that there is an allusion to an astronomic instrument used for exhibiting harmonic combinations; see Ptolem., Harmon, i. 2. Bunsen reads tou ecakuklou ulikou.
139 The text is obviously corrupt. As given by Schneidewin, it might be rendered thus: "These deriving from the monad a numerical symbol,a virtue, have progressed up to the elements." He makes no attempt at a Latin version. The Abbe Cruice would suggest tbe Introduction of the word prosteqsan, on account of the statement already made, that "the monad, superadded into itself, produces a duad."
140 There is a hiatus here. Hippolytus has said nothing concerning enneads.
141 Or, "names have been allocated," or "distributed."
142 Miller thinks it should be "even number" ( peritton). The Abbe Cruice would retain "uneven" ( aperizugon), on the ground that the duad being a perizuc ariqmoj, the monad will be aperizugoj.
143 Servius on the Eclogues of Virgil (viii, 75) and Pliny ( Hist. Nat, xxxviii. 2) make similar statements.
144 This is Miller and Schneidewin's emendation for "uneven" in the MS.
145 Arat., Phaenom., v. 19 et seq.
147 This refers to Job i. 7, but is at once recognised as not a correct quotation.
149 Arat., Phaenom., v. 63 et seq.
151 "Pierced it through," i.e., bored the holes for the strings, or, in other words, constructed the instrument. The Latin version in Buhle's edition of Aratus is ad cunam (cunabulam) compegit, i.e., he fastened the strings into the shell of the tortoise near his bed. The tortoise is mentioned by Aratus in the first part of the line, which fact removes the obscurity of the passage as quoted by Hippolytus. The general tradition corresponds with this, in representing Mercury on the shores of the Nile forming a lyre out of a dried tortoise. The word translated bed might be also rendered fan, which was used as a cradle, its size and construction being suitable. [See note, p. 46, infra.]
153 Or, "son of" (see Arat., Phaenom., v. 70).
154 The Abbe Cruice considers that these interpretations, as well as what follows, are taken not from a Greek writer, but a Jewish heretic. No Greek, he supposes, would write, as is stated lower down, that the Greeks were a Phoenician colony. The Jewish heresies were impregnated by these silly doctrines about the stars (see Epiphian., Adv. Haeres., lib. i. De Pharisaeis).
155 Reference is here made to Matt. vii. 14.
158 Or, "for creation is the Logos" (see Arat., Phaenom., et seq.).
160 i.e., literally a sea-monster (Cicero's Pistrix); Arat., Phaenom;., v. 353 et seq.
161 proj autoij hdh toij termadi genomenon tou biou. Some read toij spermasi, which yields no intelligible meaning.
162 Sextus Empiricus, adv. Geom., 29 et seq. (See book vi. chap. xviii. of The Refutation.)
163 The observations following have already been made in book i. of The Refutation.
165 The Abbe Cruice refers to Censorinus ( De Die Natali, cap. vii. et xiv.), who mentions that two numbers were held in veneration, the seventh (hebdomad) and ninth (ennead). The former was of use in curing corporeal disease, and ascribed to Apollo; the latter healed the diseases of the mind, and was attributed to the Muses.
166 At foot of MS. occur the words, "Fourth Book of Philosophumena."
167 "Pierced it through," i.e., bored the holes for the strings, or, in other words, constructed the instrument. The Latin version in Buhle's edition of Aratus is ad cunam (cunabulam) compegit, i.e., he fastened the strings into the shell of the tortoise near his bed. The tortoise is mentioned by Aratus in the first part of the line, which fact removes the obscurity of the passage as quoted by Hippolytus. The general tradition corresponds with this, in representing Mercury on the shores of the Nile forming a lyre out of a dried tortoise. The word translated bed might be also rendered fan, which was used as a cradle, its size and construction being suitable. [See note, p. 46, infra.]
1 [Consult Bunsen, vol. i. p. 35, always interesting and ingeniously critical; nobody should neglect his work. But for a judicial mind, compare Dr. Wordsworth, p. 182.]
2 The MS. employs the form Sithians, which is obviously not the correct one.
3 This term kleyilogoj is frequently applied by Hippolytus to the heretics.
4 Miller has apokaluyaj for paraleiyaj. This, however, can bear no intelligible meaning, except we add some other word, as thus: "not even have I failed to disclose." Schneidewin's correction of apoxaluyaj into paraleiyaj is obviously an improvement.
5 Metalabontej; some read metasxontej, which it is presumed might be rendered, "sharing in the opinions which gave occasion to these heterodox doctrines."
6 i.e., ofij. This term has created the title "Ophites," which may be regarded as the generic denomination for all the advocates of this phase of Gnosticism.
7 The heresy of the Naasseni is adverted to by the other leading writers on heresy in the early age of the Church. See St. Irenaeus, i, 34: Origen, Contr. Cels., vi 28 (p. 291 et seq. ed. Spenc.); Tertullian, Proeser., c. 47 Theodoret, Haeretic. Fabul, i. 14; Epiphanius, Advers. Haereses., xxv. and xxxvii.: St. Augustine, De Haeres., xvii.; Jerome, Comment. Epist. ad Galat., lib. ii. The Abbe Cruice reminds his readers that the Naasseni carried their doctrines into India, and refers to the Asiatic Researches (vol. x. p. 39).
( nachash).
9 paraton autwn logon. Bernaysius suggests for these words, patera tw autw logw. Schneidewin regards the emendation as an error, and Bunsen partly so. The latter would read, patera ton autwn Logon, i.e., "The Naasseni honour the Father of all existent things, the Logos, as man and the Son of Man."
11 Geryon (see note, chap. iii.) is afterwards mentioned as a synonyme with Jordan, i.e., "flowing from earth" ( gh ruwn).
12 gnwsij,-a term often alluded to by St. John, and which gives its name "Gnosticism" to the various forms of the Ophitic heresy. The aphorism in the text is one that embodies a grand principle which lies at the root of all correct philosophy. In this and other instances it will be found that the system, however wild and incoherent in its theology, of the Naaseni and of some of the other Gnostic sects, was one which was constructed by a subtle analysis of thought, an by observation of nature.
13 The Abbe Cruice remarks on this passage, that, as the statement here as regards Jesus Christ does not correspond with Origen's remarks on the opininns of the Naasseni in reference to our Lord, the Philosophumena cannot be the work of Origen.
14 The Abbe Cruice observes that we have here another proof that the Philosophumena is not the work of Origen, who in his Contra Celsum mentions Mariamne, but professes not to have met with any of his followers (see Contr. Cels., lib. v. p. 272, ed. Spenc.). This confirms the opinion mostly entertained of Origen, that neither the bent of his mind nor the direction of his studies justify the supposition that he would write a detailed history of heresy.
17 This has been by the best critics regarded as a fragment of a hymn of Pindar's on Jupiter Ammon. Schneidewin furnishes a restored poetic version of it by Bergk. This hymn, we believe, first suggested to M. Miller an idea of the possible value and importance of the MS. of The Refutation brought by Minoides Mynas from Greece.
18 The usual form is Alalcomenes. He was a Baeotian Autocthon.
19 Or, "lannes." The Abbe Cruice refers to Berosus, Chald. Hist., pp, 48, 49, and to his own dissertation (Paris, 1844) on the authority to be attached to Josephus, as regards the writers adduced by him in his treatise Contr. Apoin.
20 The Rabbins, probably deriving their notions from the Chaldeans, entertained the most exaggerated ideas respecting the perfection of Adam. Thus Gerson, in his Commentary on Abardanel, says that "Adam was endued with the very perfection of wisdom, and was cheif of philosophers, that he was an immediate disciple of the Deity, also a physician and astrologer, and the originator of all the arts and sciences." This spirit of exaggeration passed from the Jews to the Christians (see Clementine Homilies,ii). Aquinas (Sum. Theol. pars i 94)says of Adam, "Since the first man was appointed perfect, he ought to have posessed a knowledge of everything capable of being ascertained by natural means."
21 Or, "vanquishing him" (Roeper).
22 This is known to us only by some ancient quotations. The Naasseni had another work of repute among them, the "Gospel according to Thomas." Bunsen conjectures that the two "Gospels" may be the same.
23 autogenouj. Miller has auou genouj, which Bunsen rejects in favour of the reading "self-begotten."
24 Schneidewin considers that there have been left out in the MS. the words" or Attis" after Endymion. Attis is subsequently mentioned with some degree of particularity.
26 Or, "Apis." See Diodorus Siculus, iii. 58, 59. Pausanias, vii. 2O, writes the word Attes. See also Minucius Felix, Octav., cap. xxi.
28 Gal. iii. 28, and Clement's Epist. ad Rom., ii. 12. [This is the apocryphal Clement reserved for vol. viii. of this series. See also same text, Ignatius, vol. i. p. 81.]
29 See 2 Cor. v. 17, Gal. vi 15.
33 These words do not occur in the "Gospel of Thomas concerning the Saviour's infancy," as given by Fabricius and Thilo.
34 The Abbe Cruice mentions the following works as of authority among the Naasseni, and from whence they derived their system: The Gospel of Perfection, Gospel of Eve, The Questions of Mary, Concerning the Offspring of Mary, The Gospel of Philip, The Gospel according to (1) Thomas, (2) the Egyptians. (See Epiphanius, Haeres., c. xxvi., and Origen, Contr. Cels., vi. 30, p. 296, ed. Spenc.) These heretics likewise make use of the Old Testament, St. John's Gospel, and some of the Pauline epistles.
35 Miller refers to Littre, Traduct. des Aeuvres d'Hippocrate, t. i. p. 396.
37 See Origen, Contr. Cels., v. 38 (p. 257, ed. Spenc.).
40 Prov. xxiv. 16; Luke xvii. 4.
42 See Epiphanius, Haeres., xxvi. 8.
43 Matt. xix. 17; Mark x. 18; Luke xviii. 19.
45 Miller has oudeij. See Plutarch, De Isid. et Osirid., c. li. p. 371.
46 Or, eisodou, i.e., entrance.
50 Esaldaius, Miller (see Origen, Const. Cels., v. 76, p. 297, ed. Spenc.).
54 See Plutarch, De Iside et Osiride, c. xxxiv.
58 Ps. cxviii. 22; Isa. xxviii. 16.
60 Iliad, iv. 350,erkoj ooontwn: - "What word hath 'scaped the ivory guard that should Have fenced it in."
64 Ps. lxxxii. 6; Luke vi. 35; 1 John x. 34.
66 Philo Judaeus adopts the same imagery (see his De Agricult., lib. i.).
70 The Abbe Cruice considers that this is taken from verses of Ezekiel, founding his opinion on fragments of these verses to be found in Eusebius' Praparat. Evang., ix. 38.
73 The commentators refer to Isa. xxviii. 10. Epiphanius, Haeres., xxv, mentions these expressions, but assigns them a diferent meaning. Saulasau is tribulation, Caulacau hope, and Zeesar "hope, as yet, little." [See my note on Irenaeusi, p. 350, this series, and see Elucidation II.]
78 Matt. xiii. 33, 344; Luke xvii. 21.
81 amouenagro on: some read awonenardnon. PS. XXIX. 3, 10.
82 Ps. xxxii. 2O, 21, Ps. xxxv. 17.
83 Isa. xli. 8, Isa. xliii. x, 2.
86 Ps. xxii. 6, Ps. xxiv. 8.3 This is a quotation from the Septuagint, Job xl. 27. The reference to the authorized (English) version would be xli. 8.
89 [A strange amplifying of the word, which is now claimed exclusively for one. Elucidation III.]
98 The word translated "revenues" and "ends" is the same telh.
99 Twn olwn: some read twn wniwn.
101 Matt. xiii. 3-9; Mark iv. 3-9; Luke viii. 5-8.
105 Matt. iii. 10; Luke iii. 9.
109 piprasketai; literally, bought and sold, i.e., ruined.
110 some read auelei, i.e., doubtless, of course.
112 eklaie: this is in the margin; elabe is in the ms.. The marfinal reading is the proper correction of that of the ms..
113 Jer. xxxi. 15; Matt. ii. 18.
115 [The Phrygian Atys (see cap. iv. infra), whose history should have saved Origen from an imitation of heathenism.]
116 parhthrenosj some read aphrtiomenoj, i.e., perfecting.
117 These verses have been ascribed to Parmenides.
123 ec hj or echj, i.e., next.
124 Matt. xiii. 31, 322; Mark iv. 31, 322; Luke xiii. 19.
126 The passage following obviously was in verse originally. It has l been restored to its poetic form by Schneidewin.
133 kerkij. This word literally means the rod; or, in later times, the comb fixed into the iotoj(i.e., the upright loom), for the purpose of Driving the threads of the woof home, thus making the web even and close. It is, among other significations, applied to bones in the leg or arm. Cruice and Schneidewin translate kerkij by sriha, a rendering adopted above. The allusion is made again in chap. xii. and chap. xvi, In the last passage kentron(spur) is used instead of kerkij.
136 1 Sam. x. 1, 1 Sam. xvi. 13.
138 The text of this hymn is very corrupt. The Abbe Cruice explains the connection of the hymn with the foregoing exposition, and considers it to have a reference to the Metempsychosis, which forms part of the system of the Naasseni. [Bunsen, i. 36.]
140 Something is wanting after Perpatikh in the text. Miller supplies the deficiency, and his conjecture is adopted above. Literally, it should be rendered -" the Peratic heresy, the blasphemy of which (heretics)," etc.
141 Most of what is mentioned by Hippolytus concerning this sect is new, as the chief writers on the early heresies are comparatively silent concerning the Peratae; indeed, Irenaeus, Tertullian, and Epiphanius completely so. Clemens Alexandrinus, Strom., vii.; (vol. ii. p. 555), mentions the Peratics, and Theodoret more fully than the rest speaks of them ( Haerer.fabul.,i. 17). Theodoret, however, as the Abbe Cruice thinks, has appropriated his remarks from Hippolytus.
142 proecester or prosexestera, contiguous. This is Miller's reading, but is devoid of sense. Proecestera, adopted by Schneidewin and Cruice, might bear the meaning of the expression par par excellence.
143 grgrnnhmenwn: Miller reads gegennhmenon, agreeing with plhqos. Bernays, in his Epistola Critica addressed to Bunsen, proposes the former reading.
144 eidikor: some read idikor. This term, adopted from the Platonic philosophy, is translated specialis by logicians, and transcendentalis by metaphysicians. It expresses the pre-existent form in the divine mind, according to which material objects were fashioned. The term seems out of place as used by the Peratics to denominate a corruptible and perishing world. We should rather expect rlikou, i.e, material. (See Aristotle's masterly exposition of the subject of the eidoj and ulh in his Metaphysics book vi., and p. 64 of the analysis prefixed to the translation in Bohn's Library.)
145 prwthj or pro thj, "antecedent to the segment."
146 swmatikwj, i.e, substantially. See Col. i. 19, ii. 9.
147 afietai: some read afiei, i.e., dismisses; some afiei eikh, i.e., heedlessly casts off. Hippolytus, in his Summary of the PeraticHeresy in book x., has afietai eikh, which Cruice translates temereabsolvuntur. Schneidewin has in the same passage afietal merely, and translates it abjiciuintur. In both places Bernays suggests ofioeioh, i.e., those of the nature of the Serpent.
148 Or, "is part of the moon."
149 Some omissions here are supplied from Sextus Empiricus.
150 Or, "produces alterations and causes turnings."
151 Celles, as observed in a former note, has two other forms in The Retutation, viz., Acembes and Ademes. He is called Carystius, and the other founder of the heresy Peraticus. As the latter term is frequently used to designate Eubaea, i.e., the country beyond ( peran) the continent, it is inferred that Carystius has a simlar import. This would seem placed beyond conjecture by a passage ( Strom., vii, vol. ii. p. 555) in Clemens Alexandrinus, already alluded to, who says that some heresies, e.g., those of the Marcionites and Basilidians, derived their denomination from the names, whereas others from the country, of their founders. As an instance of the latter, he mentions the Peratics (see note 4, p. 62, [and note 6, p. 58]).
152 Some deficiencies in the text are filled up from Sextus Empiricus.
154 This expression alla gar requires to have the ellipsis supplied as above. It may be freely rendered "nay more." Miller reads Allh gar i.e. "There is some other difference," etc.; but this does not agree with Sextus Empiricus.
155 Or, "sympathy:" sumpaoeia is, however, properly altered into asumpaoeia on the authority of Sextus.
156 i.e., "Rulers of localities and suburbans."
157 The Peratic heresy both Hippolytus and Theodoret state to have originated from Euphrates. Origen, on the other hand, states ( Contr. Cels., vi. 28, [vol. iv. p. F86]) that Euphrates was founder of the Ophites. The inference from this is, that Origen was not author of The Refutation.
158 Hippolytus at the end of this chapter mentions the title of one of their books, Oi proasteio ewj aiqeroj, "The Suburbans up to the Air." Bunsen suggests Peratai ewj aiqeroj, "The Transcendental Etherians." (See note 1 supra.)
159 The Abbe Cruice considers that the following system of cosmogony is translated into Greek from some Chaldaic or Syriac work. He recognises in it likewise a Jewish element, to be accounted for from the fact that the Jews during the Babylonish captivity imbibed the principles of the Oriental philosophy. What, therefore, is given by Hippolytus may have a Judaistic origin.
160 Schneidewin considers the text here corrupt.
161 The Abbe Cruice observes that the reference here is to the second book of the law ( Ex. xv. 27), where mention is made of the twelve fountains of Elim. The Hebrew word ( 2 C
162 i.e., a poetic expression, as Cruice remarks, for closing the seal (See Job ix. 7.)
163 Schneidewin refers us to a passage from Berosus, who affirms that this person was styled Thalatta by the Greeks, Thalath by the . Chaldeans.; another demonination being Omorka, or Omoroka, or Marcaia. The Abbe Cruice, however, sets little value on these names, which, following the judgment of Scaliger, he pronounces spurious. It is unnecessary to remind scholars that the authenticity of Berosus has collapsed under the attacks of modern criticism.
164 Miller suggests Xefelh, Cruice Nebo.
165 Cruicc thinks this may be a figure of the year and of twelve months.
168 Miller reads Mugswnhq, others Mugsonh.
172 ginomenwn; some read kinoumnwn, i.e, have different motions.
173 kentroij: Schneidewin suggests kenttrwn.
174 See Oracula Sibyllina Fragm., ii. ver. 1.
175 perasaia; hence their name Peratics, i.e., Transcendentalists. Bunsen considers, however, that such a derivation as this was not the true one (see note x, p. 60), but merely an after-thought. The title of one of the Peratic treatises, as altered by Bunsen from Oi proasrteioi ewj aiOeroj into Oi IIeratai ewj aiQeroj, i.e., "the Transcendental Etherians," would agree with their subsequent assumption of this title. [Bunsen, i. p. 37.]
176 Ex. iv. 2-4, Ex. iv. 17, Ex. vii. 9-13.
185 The Abbe Cruise thinks that Hippolytus is here quoting from the Gospel of Eve (see Epiph., Haer., xxvi. 2).
186 akra,: this is a conjectural reading instead of arxh.
193 There is a hiatus here. Miller, who also suggests diaferei instead of meraferei supplies the deficiency as translated above. The Abbe Cruice fills up the hiatus by words taken from a somewhat similar passage in the third chapter of book viii., but the obscurity still remains. Miller thinks there is a reference to Isa. vi. 10.
194 This theory has been previously alluded to by Hippolytus in the last chapter of book iv.
195 kahariou: some would read hakariou [" the dome of thought, the palace of the soul "].
196 pantapasi: some read panta pasi. Cruice suggests pasin epitiqeimenhn, i.e., one that plots a against all.
197 This is the form in which the name occurs in Hippolytns, but the correct one is Sethians. As regard.: this sect, sec Irenaeus, Contr. Hearss., i. 30; Tertullian, Praescript., c. ixvii.; Theodoret, Haeret. Fabul., i. 14; Epiphanius, Advers. Haeres., c. xxviii., xxxvii,and xxxix.: Augustine, De Haeret., c. xix.; Josephus, Antiq. Fusac i. 2; Suidas on the word "Seth."
198 For zunameij... logizisqw, Bernays reads zunatsii... logizesqai: "While these make (such) assertions, he is able to calculate," etc.
201 This is Cruin's mode of supplying the hiatus. Miller has "man or OX."
203 alaj twn genomeinwi Miller read alalwn.
204 The hiatus, as filled up by Miller, is adopted above. The Abbe Cruice suggests the following emendation: "For there has been intermingled a certain very diminutive spark from the light (subsisting along with the supernal fragrance, from the spirit producing, like a ray, composition in things desolved, and dissolution in things compounded."
206 bromw: some read brasmw, i.e., agitation, literally a boiling up.
207 akoteinu: some read akolw (which is of similar import), crooked, i.e., involved, obscure.
209 A hiatus occurs here. The deficiencyis supplied by Cruice from previous statements of Hippolytus, and is adopted above.
211 This passage is obscure. The translation above follows Schneidewin and Cruice. Miller's text would seem capable of this meaning: "The wind, simultaneously fierce and formidable, is whirled along like a trailing serpent supplied with wings." His text is, tw surmati ofei parapllhsioj pterwtoj, but suggestj pterwiw wj apo.
212 Schneidewin has a full stop after "wind," and begins the next sentence with qhriou (beast).
215 Miller would read meta ta... ecelqwn, "after the foul mysteries of the womb he went forth," etc.
216 John iv. 7-14. For piein some read poiein, "a course which he must pursue who," etc.
217 prostatai, This is a military expression applied to those placed in the foremost ranks of a battalion of soldiers; but it was also employed in civil affairs, to designate, for instance at Athens, those who protected the metotkoi (aliens), and others without the rights of citizenship. IIrostath" was the Roman Patronus.
218 Or, " their own peculiar."
219 It is written Cham in the text.
222 Ex. xx. 13-15; Deut. v. 17-19.
224 These belong to the legendary period of Greek philosophy. Musaeus flourished amon the Athenians, Linus among the Thebans, and Orpheus amon the Thracians. They weaved their physical theories into crude theological systems, which subsequently suggested the cosmogony and theogony of Hesiod. See the translator's Treatise on Metaphysics, chap. ii. pp. 33, 34.
225 oufaloj: some read with greater probability falloj, which means the figure, generally wooden, of a membrum virile. This, harmonizes with what Hippolytus has already mentioned respecting Osiris. A figure of this description was carried in solemn procession in the orgies of Bacchus as a symbol of the generative power of nature. The worship of the Lingam among the Hindoos is of the same description.
226 armonia (Schneidewin). Cruise reads andreia(manliness), which agrees with falloj(see preceding note). For fallojSchneidewin reads oufaloj(navel).
227 "Of Achaia" (Neinekius, Vindic. Strab., p. 242).
228 The reading in Miller is obviously incorrect, viz., legomenhmegalhgoria, for wich he suggests megal eorth. Several othe emendations have been proposed, but they scarcely differ from the rendering given above, which is coincident with what may be learned of these mysteries from other sources.
229 proj, or it might he rendered "respecting." A reference, how ever, to the catalogue of Empedocles' works, given by Fabricius (t.v. p. 160), shows that for projwe should read "ei" .
230 pleiosi: Miller would read pulewsi. i.e., gateways.
231 Or petrwtoj, intended for petrwdhj, "made of stone." [A winged phalluswas worn by the women of Pompeii as an ornament, for which Christian women substituted a cross. See vol. iii., this series, p. 104.]
232 kuanoeidh: some read kunoeidh, i.e., like a dog.
233 Some read Persephone (Proserpine) Phlya.
234 For "phaos ruentes" some read "Phanes rueis," which is the expression found in the Orphic hymn (see Cruice's note).
235 Iliad, xv. 189. (See the passage from Hesiod given at the end of book i, of The Refutation.)
236 Iliad, xv. 36-38 (Lord Derby's translation); Odyssey,v. 185,187.
237 Miller reasonably proposes for tw noithe reading stoixeion, "which affirms water to be a formidable element."
238 udwr memigmenon oinw diakrinei: Miller's text is udwr memigmenon ainwdia krhnh. which is obviously corrupt. His emendation of the passage may be translated thus: "And now some one observes water from a wayside fountain, mixed, so they say: and even though all things be intermingled, a separation is effected."
240 kentrw.In other passages the word kerkijis used, i.e., the backbone.
244 What Hippolytus here states respecting Justinus is quite new. No mention occurs of this heretic in ecclesiastical history. It is evident, however, that, like Simon Magus, he was contemporary with St. Peter and St. Paul. Justinus, however, and the Ophitic sect to which he belonged, are assigned by Hippolytus and Irenaeus a prior position as regards the order of their appearance to the system of Simon, or its offshoot Valentinianism. The Ophites engrafted Phrygian Judaism, and the Valentinians Gentilism, upon Christianity; the former not rejecting the speculations and mysteries of Asiatic paganism, and the latter availing themselves of the cabalistic corruptions of Judaism. The Jndaistic element soon became prominent in successive phases of Valentinianism, which produced a fusion of the sects of the old Gnostics and of Simon. Hippolytus, however, now places the Ophitic sect before us prior to its amalgamation with Valentinianism. Here, for the first time. we have an authentic delineation of the primitive Ophites. This is of great value. [See Irenaeus, vol. i., this series, p. 354; also Bunsen (on Baur), vol. i. p. 42.]
246 Isa. lxiv. 4; 1 Cor. ii. 9.
248 Or, "the rest of the Mysteries."
250 Erytheia (Eretheia) was the island which Geryon inhabited. Miller's text has =Eruqaj(i.e., sc. Qalasshj), "the Red Sea." This, however, is a mistake.
251 Some read ton noun, which has been properly altered into tonun, as translated above.
253 kai agnwstoj, "and unknown," is added in Cruice's and Schneidewin's text, as this word occurs in Hippolytus' epitome of Justinus' heresy in book x. of The Refutation.
254 dignwmoj: some read agnwmwn, i.e., devoid of judgment.
255 eunhn: some read eunoian, i.e., goodwill, but this seems pleonastic where filiajprecedes.
256 See Rev. iii. 14. [Bunsen, i. 39.]
257 Or, "Babelachamos," or" Babel, Achamos."
262 en auth: some read en arxh, i.e., in the beginning.
263 satrapikhn. The common reading astrapikhnis obviously corrupt.
265 katw: some read katwgh, i.e., katwgaioj, earthly; some katwferhj, with a downward tendency.
268 Isa. lxiv. 4; 1 1 Cor. ii. 9.
271 anqrwpoij pasin. =Elqwn. Some read: anqrwpoij. Palin elqwn.
276 These words are superfluous here, and are repeated preceding sentence by mistake.
277 Yuxhj: some read euxhj, i.e., prayer.
278 Miller confectures that the parenthetical words should be added to the text.
280 enteuqen: this word stands at the end of the last chapter in the text of Miller, who suspects that there is here some hiatus. In this opinion the Abbe Cruice concurs. Schneidewin, however, transfers enteuqento the beginning of this chapter as above.
281 paria tw agaqw: or rather, we should expect, into a knowledge of the Good One.
285 loutron: the ecclesiastical use of this word makes it stand for baptism.
289 entuxwn: some read eutuxwn, i.e., one who is fortunate enough to meet with the book.
290 Literally " wight, according to his Hercules, by imitating,"etc.
291 amaran. This word means a trench or channel in a field, for the purpose either of irrigation or drainage. Schneidewin and Cruice render it by the Latin Sentinam, an expression applied, for example, to bilge water.
292 ekrhqeih, i.e., ekriqeih: some read ekkriqeih, which might be rendered, " even though, (for the purpose of holding these heretics up to public shame,) there should be made a selection only,"etc.
1 [Presuming that all who are disposed to study this work will turn to Dr. Bunsen's first volume (Hippol.), I have not thought it wise to load the-e pages with references to his interesting reviewal.]
2 kata teleiwsin twn xronwn. This is Bunsen's emendation. The textual reading is meiwsin.
3 ekousiwj: Bunsen suggests anosiwj,i,e., profanely.
4 See Irenaeus, Haeres., i. 19, 20; Tertullian, Prescript., c, xlvi.; Epiphanius, Haeres., xxi.; Theodoret, Haeret. Fab., i. 1; St. Augustine, De Haeres., 1. See the apology of Justin Martyr (vol. i., this series, p. 171), who says, " There was a Samaritan, Simon, a native of the village called Gitto, who, in the reign of Claudius Caesar, and in your royal city of Rome, did mighty acts of magic, by virtue of the art of the devils operating in him."Simon's history and opinions i are treated of largely in the Recognitions of Clement. See vol. iii. of the Edinburgh series, pp. 156-271; [vol. viii. of this series].
5 In book iv. of The Refutation.
7 Miller refers us to Apostolius' Proverb., s.v. yafwn. Schneidewin remarks that Maximus Tyrius relates almost a similar story concerning one Psapho, a Libyan, in his Dissert. (xxxv.), and that Apostolius extracted this account and inserted it in his Cent., xviii. p. 730, ed. Leutsch, mentioning at the same time a similar narrative from Aelian's Hist., xiv. 30. See Justin., xxi. 4, and Pliny, Nat. Hist., viii. 16.
8 The text here is corrupt. The above is Miller's emendation. Cruice's reading may thus be rendered: " So that far sooner we may compare him unto the Libyan, who was a mere man, and not the true God."
10 The Abbe Cruice considers that Theodoret has made use of this passage. (See Haeret. Fab., i, 1.)
11 Or, ton aoraton, the invisible one.
12 nwmatoj aisan: Miller has gnwmhn ishn, which yields but little sense.
13 These powers are thus arranged: 1. Mind and Intelligence: termed also, 1. Heaven and Earth. 2. Voice and Name 2. Sun and Moon. 3. "Ratiocination and Reflection," 3. Air and Water.
16 "Brooded over" (see Gen. i. 2).
20 xwrion(i.e, locality) is the reading in Miller, which Cruice ingeniously alters into xorion, the caul in which the foetus is enclosed, which is called the "after-birth."
22 This rendering follow- Cruice, who has succeeded in clearing away the obscurity o( the passage as given in Miller.
23 Odyssey, x. 304 et seq. [See Butcher and Lang, p. 163.]
25 Matt. iii. 10 ; Luke iii. 9.
26 In the Recognitions of Clementwe have this passage: "He (Simon) wishes himself to be believed to be an exalted power, which is above God the Creator, and to be thought to be the Christ, and to be called the standing one" (Ante-Nicene Library, ed. Edinburgh. vol. iii. p. 196).
27 The expression stan(standinq) was used by the scholastic as applicable to the divine nature. Interpreted in this manner, the words in the text would be equivalent with "which was, and is, and is to come" (Rev. i. 8). The Recognitions of Clementexplain the term thus: "He (Simon) use: this name as implying that he can never be dissolved, asserting that his flesh is so compacted by the power of his divinity, that it can endure to eternity. Hence, there-fore, he is called the standing one, as though he cannot fall by any corruption" (Ante-Nicene Library, vol. iii. p. 196). [To be found in vol. viii. of this series, with the other apocryphal Clementines.]
29 Homer, for instance [See Epiphanius, Haeres., xxi. 3).
30 miaroj, Bunsen's emendation for yuxroj, the reading in Miller and Schneidewin. Some read yudroj, i.e., lying: others yeudoxristoj, i.e., counterfeit Christ. Cruice considers Bunsen's emenda-: tion unnecessary, as yuxrojmay be translated " absurd fellow."The word, literally meaning cold, is applied in a derived sense to persons who were heartless,-an import suitable to Hippolytus' meaning.
31 [See Irenaeus, vol. i. p. 348, and Bunsen's ideas, p. 50 of his first volume.]
32 This rendering is according to Bunsen's emendation of the text.
33 Cruice omits the word dedokhkenai, which seems in interpolation. The above rendering adopts the proposed emendation.
34 Bunsen thinks that there is an allusion here to the conversation of our Lord with the woman of Samaria, and it' so, that Menander, a disciple of Simon, and not Simon himself, was the author of The Great Announcement, as the heretic did not outlive St. Peter and Paul, and therefore died before the period at which St John's Gospel was written.
35 Miller reads fusin, which makes no sense. The rendering above follows Bunsen's emendation of the text. [Here it is equally interesting to the student of our author or of Irenaeus to turn to Bunsen (p. 51), and to observe his parallels.]
36 The Abbe Cruice considers that the statements made by Origen (Iontr. Celsum, lib. i. p. 44, ed Spenc.), respecting the followers of Simon in respect of number, militates against Origen's authorship of The Refutation.
37 This rendering follows the text of Schneidewin and Cruice. The Clementine Recognitions(Ante-Nicene Library, ed. Edinb., vol. iii. p. 273) represent Simon Magus as leaving for Rome, and St. Peter resolving to follow him thither. Miller's text is different and as emended by him, Hippolytus' account would harmonize with that given in the Acts. Miller's text may be thus translated: "And having been laid under a curse, as has been written in the Acts, he subsequently disapproved of his practices, and made an attempt to journey as far as Rome, but he fell in with the apostles," etc. The text or Cruice and Schneidewin seems less forced: while the statement itself-a new witness to this controverted point in ecclesiastical history concerning St. Peter-corroborates Hippolytus' authorship of The Refutation.
38 Justin Martyr mentions, as an instance of the estimation in which Simon Magus was held among his followers, that a statue was erected to him at Rome. Bunsen considers that the refection of this fable of Justin Martyr's, point to the author of The Refutationbeing a Roman, who would therefore, as he shows himself in the case of the statue, be better informed than the Eastern writer of any event occurring in the capital of the West. [Bunsen's magisterial decision (p. 53) is very amusingly characteristic.] Hippolytus' silence is a presumption against the existence of such a statue, though it is very possible he might omit to mention it, supposing it to be at Rome. At all events, the jvery precise statement of Justin Martyr ought not to be rejected on slight or confectural grounds. [See vol. i., this series, pp. 171 ,172, 182, 187, and 193. But our author relies on Irenaeus, same vol., p. 348. Why reject positive testimony?]
39 Valentinus came from Alexandria to Rome during the pontificate of Hyginus, and established a school there. Hisdesire seems to have been to remain in communion with Rome, which he did for many ye:mrs. as Tertullian informs us. Epiphanius, however, tells that Valentinus. towards the end of his life, when living in Cyprus, separted entirely from the Church. Irenaeus, book i.; Tertullian on Valentinus, and chap xxx. of his Praescript.; Clemens Alexandrinus, Strom., iv. 13 vi.6; Theodoret, Haeret. Fab., i., 7; Epiphanius, Haer., xxxi.; St. Augustine, Haer., xi.; Philastrius, Hist. Haers., c. viii.; Photius, Biblioth., cap. ccxxx.; Clemens Alexandrinus' Epitome of Theodotus (pp. 789-809, ed. Sylburg). The title is, Ek twn Qeodotou kai thj anatolikhj kaloumenhj didaskaliaj, kata touj Oualentinou xronouj epitomai. See likewise Neander's Church History, vol. ii. Bohn's edition.
40 These opinions are mostly given in extracts from Valentinus' work Sophia, a book of great repute among Gnostics, and not named by Hippolytus, probably as being so well known at the time. The Gospel of Truth, mentioned by Irenaeus as used among the Valentinians, is not, however, considered to be from the pen of Valentinus. In the extracts given by Hippolytus from Valentinus, it is important (as in the case of Basilides: see translator's introduction) to find that he quotes St. John's Gospel, and St. Paul's Epistle to the Ephesians. The latter had been pronounced by the Tubingen school as belonging to the period of the Montanistic disputes in the middle of the second century, that is, somewhere about 25-30 years after Valentinus.
41 See Timaeus, c. vii. ed. Bekker.
42 Or, "Solomon," evidently a mistake.
43 Miller would read for prostiqemenon, nomisteonor nomizei.
44 Respecting these lines, Miller refers us to Fabricius, in Sextum Empiricum, p. 332.
45 The Abbe Cruice adduces a passage from Suidas (on the word ariqmoj) which contains a similar statement to that furnished by Hippolytus.
47 Or, sunagei, leads together.
48 The Abbe Cruice considers that the writer of The Refutationdid not agree with Pythagoras' opinion regarding the soul,-a fact that negatives the authorship of Origen, who assented to the Pythagorean psychology. The question concerning the pre-existence of the soul is stated m a passage often quoted, viz., St. Jerome's Letter to Marcellina(Ep. 82).
49 Cruice thinks that the following words are taken from Heraclitus, and refers to Plutarch, De Exilio, c. xi.
50 Pkaedo, vol. i. p. 89, ed. Bekker.
51 "Eat not from a stool." This proverb is also differently read and interpreted. Another form is, "Eat not from a chariot," of which the import is variously given, as, Do not tamper with your health, because food swallowed in haste, as it must be when one is driving a team of horses, cannot be salutary or nutritive; or, Do not be careless, because one should attend to the business in hand; if that be guiding a chariot, one should not at the same time try to eat his meals.
52 The word "entire" Plutarch adds to this proverb. Its ancient form would seem to inculcate patience and courtesy, as if one should not, when at meals, snap at food before others. As read in Plutarch, it has been also interpreted as a precept to avoid creating dissension the unbroken bread being a symbol of unity. It has likewise been explained as an injunction against greediness. The loaf was marked by two intersecting lines into four parts, and one was not to devour ail of these. (See Horace, 1 Epist., xvii. 49.)
53 This is the generally received import of the proverb. Ancient writers, however, put forward other meanings, connected chiefly with certain effects of beans, e.g., disturbing the mind, and producing melancholy, which Pythagoras is said to have noticed. Horace had no such idea concerning beans (see 2 Serm, vi. 63), but evidently alludes to a belief of the magi that disembodied spirits resided in beans. (See Lucian, Micyll: Plutarch, Peri Paid. Agwg. 17; Aulus Gellius, iv, 11; and Guigniaut's Cruiser's Symbolik, i. 160.) [See p. 12 supra, and compare vol, ii., this series, p. 383, and Elucidation III. p. 403.]
54 The text seems doubtful. Some would read, "The sun is (to be compared with) soul, and the moon with body."
55 Zaron. This word also signifies "sweepings"or "refuse." Some say it means a Chaldean or Babylonian measure. The meaning would then be: Neglect not giving good measure, i e., practise fair dealing. This agrees with another form of the proverb, reading zugonfor saron-that is, overlook not the balance or scales.
56 Another meaning assigned to this proverb is, "Labour to no purpose." The palm, it is alleged, when it grows of itself, produces fruit, but sterility ensues upon transplantation. The proverb is also said to mean: Avoid what may seem agreeable, but really is injurious. This alludes to the quality of the wine (see Xenophon's Anab., ii.), which, pleasant in appearance, produced severe headache in those partaking of it.
57 Or, "completes the great year of the world" (see book iv. chap. vii. of The Refutation).
58 Valentinus' system, if purged of the glosses put upon it by his disciples, appears to have been constructed out of a grand conception of Deity, and evidences much power of abstraction. Between the essence of God, dwelling in the midst of isolation prior to an exercise of the creative energy, and the material worlds, Valentinus interposes an ideal world. Through the latter, the soul-of a kindred nature-is enabled to mount up to God. This is the import of the terms Bythus (depth) and Sige (silence, i.e., solitarness) afterwards used.
59 kuria: instead of this has been suggested the reading kai riza, i.e., "which is both the root," etc.
60 In all this. Valentinus intends to delineate the progress from absolute to phenomenal being. There are three developments in this transition. Absolute being (Bythus and Sige) is the same as the eternal thought and consciousness of God's own essence. Here we have the primary emanation, viz., Nous, i.e., Mind (called also Monogenes, only-begotten), and Aletheia, i.e., Truth. Next comes the ideal manifestation through the Logos, i e., Word (obviously borrowed from the prologue to St. John's Gospel), and Zoe, i.e., Life (taken from the same source). We have then the passage from the ideal to the actual in Anthropos, i.e., Man, and Ecclesia, i.e., Church These last are the phenomenal manifestations o( the divine mind.
61 teleioj: Bunsen would read teloj, which Cruice objects to on account of the word teleioterojoccurring in the next sentence.
62 This follows the text as emended by Bernays.
63 The number properly should be thirty, as there were two tetrads: (1) Bythus, Sige, Nous, and Aletheia; (2) Logos, Zoe, Ecclesia, and Anthropos. Some, as we learn from Hippolytus, made up the number to thirty, by the addition of Christ and the Holy Ghost,-a fact which Bunsen thinks conclusively proves that the alleged generation of Aeons was a subsequent addition to Valentinus' system.
64 There is some confusion in Hippolytus' text, which is, however, removeable by a reference to Irenaeus (i. 1).
65 We subjoin the meanings of these names: -Ten Aeons from Nous and Aletheia, (or) Logo- and Zoe, 1 Bythus = Profundity. 6. Hedone = Voluptuousness. 2 Mixis = Mixture. 7. Acinetus = Motionless. 3. Ageratos = Ever-young. 8. Syncrasis = Composition. 4. Henosis = Unification. 9. Monogenes = Only-begotten. 5. Autophyes = Self-grown. 10. Macaria = Blessedness.
66 The following are the meanings of these names: -Twelve Nous from Anthropos and Ecclesia, (or) Logos and Zoe: -1. Paracletus = Comforter. 7, Aeinous = Ever-thinking. 2 Pistis= Faith. 8. Synesis = Intelligence. 3 Patricus = Paternal. 19. Ecclesiasticus = Ecclesiastical. 4 Elpis= Hope. 10. Makariotes = Felicity. 5 tletricus = Temperate. 11. Theletus = Volition. 6. Agape = Love. 12. Sophia = Wisdom.
67 [Rev. ii 24. It belongs to the "depths of Satan"to create mytiiologies that caricature the Divine mysteries. Cf. 2 Cor. ii. 11.]
68 This Sophia was, so to speak, the bridge which spanned the abyss between God and Reality. Under an aspect of this kind Solomon (Prov. viii.) views Wisdom; and Valentinus introduces it into his system, according to the old Judaistic interpretation of Sophia, as the instrument for God's creative energy. But Sophia thought to pass beyond her function as the connecting link between limited and illimitable existence, by an attempt to evolve the infinite from herself. She fails, and an abortive image of the true Wisdom is procreated, while Sophia herself sinks into this nether world.
69 Miller's text has, "a well-formed and properly-digested substance." This reading is, however, obviously wrong, as is proved by a reference to what Epiphanius states (Haer., xxxi.) concerning Valentinus.
70 Or, "Metagogeus"(see Irenaeus, i. 1, 2, iii. 1).
71 Bunsen corrects the passage, "So that she should not be inferior to any of the Aeons, or unequal (in power) to any (of them)."
72 enothtoj: Miller has neothtoj, i.e., youth. The former is the emendation of Bernays.
73 This is Bunsen's text, upostatouj. Duncker reads upostatikaj, hypostatic.
74 Some read ousian(see Theodoret, Haer., c. vii.).
75 epistrofhn; or it may be rendered "solicitude." Literally, it means a turning towards, as in this instance, for the purpose of prayer (see Irenaeus, i. 5).
76 Valentinus denominates what is psychical (natural) right, and what is material or pathematic left (see Irenaeus, i. 5).
77 Cruice renders the passage thus: "which is denominated right, or Demiurge, while fear it is that accomplishes this transformation." The Demiurge is of course called "right," as being the power of the , psychical essence (see Clemens Alexandrinue, Hypot. excerpta c Theod., c. 43).
78 Ps. cxi. 10; Prov. i. 7, 10.
79 Schneidewin fills, up the hiatus thus: "Place of Mecdiation." The above translation adopts the emendation of Cruice (see Irenaeus, i. 5).
81 Deut. ix. 3 ; Ps. l. 3; Heb. xii. 29.
83 See Epistle of Barnabas, chap. xv. vol. i. p. 146, and Ignatius' Letter to the Magnesians, chap. ix. p. 63, this series.
84 The opening sentence in this chapter is confused in Miller's text. The sense, however, as given above, is deducible from a reference to a corresponding passage in Irenaeus (i. 5).
85 Deut. iv. 35; Isa. xlv. 5, 18, 21, 22.
86 These words are a line out of Pythagoras' Golden Verses: -Phgh tij aenaou fusewj izwmat exousa-(48).
87 The Abbe Cruise thinks that a comparison of this passage with the corresponding one in Irenaeus suggests the addition of oi doruforoiafter Logoj, i.e., the Logos and his satellites. [ Vol. i. p. 381, this series.]
89 Or, "subterranean" (Cruice).
90 Epiphanius, Haer., xxxi. sec. 7.
93 Epiphanius, Haer., xxxi. 22.
99 Axionicus is mentioned by Tertullian only (see Tertullian, Conte. Valent., c. iv; [vol. iii. p. 505, this series]).
100 Bardesianes (or Ardesianes, as Miller's text has it) is evidently the sane with Bardesanes, mentioned by Eusebius and St. femme.
101 kathxhqh. Stiller's text has kathxqh, which is properly corrected by Bunsen into the word as translated above.
104 Cruice thinks that the following extract from Plato's epistles has been added by a second hand. [Cf vol. iii. p. 181, this series.]
105 There are some verbal diversities between the texts of Plato and Hippolytus, which a reference will show (see Plat., Epist., t. ix. p. 76, ed. Bekker).
106 Some forty lines that follow in Plato's letter are omitted here.
107 Here likewise there is another deficiency as compared with the original letter.
108 Miller's text is, kai pasi ghn, etc. In the German and French edition of Hippolytus we have, instead of this, kai Proarxhn. The latter word is introduced on the authority of Epiphanius and Theodored. Bernays proposes Zighn, and Scott Plasthn. The Abbe Cruice considers Plasthnan incongruous word as applied to the creation of spiritual beings.
109 The word "limit" occurs twice in this sentence, and Bunsen alters the second into "Pleroma," so that the words may be rendered thus: "Valentinus supposes to be second all the Aeons that are within the Pleroma."
110 This is a Gnostic hymn, and is arranged metrically by Cruice, of which the following is a translation: -All things whirled on by spirit I see, Flesh from soul depending And soul from air forth flashing, And air from aether hanging, And fruits from Bythus streaming, And from womb the infant growing.
111 The text here is corrupt, but the above rendering follows the Abbe Cruice's version. Bunsen's emendation would, however, seem untenable.
112 Concerning Secundus and Epiphanes, see Irenaeus, i. 11; Theodoret, Haer. Fab., i. 5-9; Epiphanius, xxxii. I, 3, 4; Tertullian, Adv. Valent., c. xxxviii.; and St. Augustine, Haer., xi. Hippolytus, in his remarks on Secundus and Epiphanes, borrows from St. Irenaeus.
113 Concerning Ptolemaeus, see Irenaeus, i. 12; Tertullian, De Praescript., c. xlix.; and Advers. Valent., c. viii.; Epiphanius, Haer., xxxiii. 3-7; and Theodoret, Haeret. Fab., i. 8.
114 Concerning Marcus, see Irenaeus, i. 12-18; Tertullian, Praescript., c. l.; Epiphanius, Haer., xxxiv.; Theodoret, Haeret. Fab., i. 9; St. Augustine, Haer., c. xiv.; and St. Jerome's 29th Epistle.
115 energwn: Bunsen reads drwn, which has the same meaning. Cruice reads aiwrwn, but makes no attempt at translation. Miller's reading is dwrwn, which is obviously corrupt, but for which dolwnhas been suggested, and with good show of reason.
116 analuomenou: same read anaduomenou, which is obviously untenable.
117 [ Here was an awful travesty of the heresy of a later day which introduced" the miracle of Bolsena" and the Corpus-Christicelebration. See Robertson, Hist., vol. iii. p. 604.]
118 [Buusen (vol. i. p 72-75) makes useful comments.]
119 Hippolytus has already employed this word, adromesteron, in the Proaemium. It literally means, of strong or compact parts. Hippolytus, however, uses it m contrast to the expression Leptomerhj, in reference to his Summary of Heresies. Bunsen thinks that Hippolytus means to say that Irenaeus expressed himself rather too strongly, and that the Marcosians, on meeting with Irenaeus' assertions, indignantly repudiated them. Dr. Wordsworth translates adromerwj(in the Proaemium), "with rude generality,"-a rendering scarcely in keeping with the passage above.
120 The largest extract from Irenaeus is that which follows-the explanation of the heresy o( Marcus. From this to the end of book vi. occurs in Irenaeus likewise. Hippolytus' text does not always accurately correspond with that of his master. The divergence, however, is inconsiderable, and may sometimes be traceable to the error of the transcriber.
121 Hippolytus uses two words to signify letters, oixeionand gramma. The former strictly means an articulate sound as the basis of language or of written words, and the latter the sound itself when represented by a particular symbol or sign.
122 [Rev. iii. 14. A name of Christ. This word is travestied as the name Logosalso, most profanely.]
123 This is Duncker's emendation, suggested by Irenaeus' text. Miller reads ton topon, which yields scarcely any meaning.
124 Hippolytus' text has been here corrected from that of Irenaeus.
125 This is a correction from Progenitor, on the authority of Irenaeus and Epiphanius.
126 Propatora: Irenaeus reads Patrodora, which is adopted by Schneidewin, and translated patrium.
127 The reading is doubtful. The translator adopts Scott's emendation.
128 [See note 1, p. 94 supra, on "Amen." Comp. Irenaeus, vol. i. p. 393, this series. This name of Jesus does, indeed, run through all Scripture, in verbal and other forms; Gen. xlix, 18and in Joshua, as a foreshadowing.]
130 eikonikaj. This is Irenaeus' reading. Miller has eikonaj(representations).
131 aporroian: some read aporian, which is obviously erroneous.
132 up= auta ; Irenaeus reads uper authn, and Massuet upenerqen.
133 The deficiency consisted in there not being three ogdoads. The sum total was twenty-four, but there was only one ogdoad-Logos and Zoe. The other two-Pater and Alethen, and Anthropos and Ecclesia-had one above and one below an ogdoad.
134 twn oktwhas been substituted for tw nohtw, an obviously corrupt reading. The correction is supplied by Irenaeus.
136 Christ went up with the three apostles, and was therefore the fourth Himself: by the presence of Moses and Elias, He became the sixth: Matt. xvii. 1: Mark ix. 2.
137 The Greek word for dove is peristera, the letters of which represent 801, as may be seen thus: - p=80 e=5 r=I00 s=200i=10 t=300 e=5 r=100 a=1 ___ 801 This, therefore, is equipollent with Alpha and Omega, as a is equal to I, and w to 800. [Stuff! Bunsen, very naturally, exclaims.]
138 Irenaeus has the sentence thus: "so also the soul in babes, lamenting and bewailing Marcus, glorifies him."
141 Hippolytus here omits some passages which are to be found in Irenaeus.
142 Literally, "being twice two:" pnme for ousai read ousiai. Irenaeus has epi duo ousai, i.e., "which being (added) into two."
143 Hippolytus has only the word "twenty-four," to which Schneidewin supplies "letters," and Irenaeus" forms," as given above. Hippolytus likewise omits the word "produced," which Irenaeus supplies. The text of the latter is taj eikosetessaraj apekuhsan morfaj.
144 Irenaeus adds, "which being added together, I mean the twice five and twice seven, complete the number of the twenty-four ( forms) ."
145 The parenthetical words had fallen into a wrong part of the sentence, and are placed here by Schneidewin.
146 This is a correction for "expressed" from Irenaeus. Marcus observes the distinction afterwards.
147 kata en grammatwn. The ms.. has eggramatwn. Irenaeus omits these words.
148 This entire sentence is wanting in Irenaeus.
149 Corrected from Chri, which is in the ms..
150 Irenaeus has the passage thus; "And for this reason He says that He is Alpha and Omega, that He may manifest the dove, inasmuch as this bird (symbolically) involves this number (801)." See a previous note in chap. xiii. p. 95. supra.
151 Part of this sentence is supplied from Irenaeus.
152 Hippolytus here omits the following sentence found in Irenaeus: "And again thus-of the first quarternion, when added into itself, in accordance with a progression of number, appeared the number ten, and so forth."
154 Or, "of the Son," an obvious mistake.
155 Irenaeus has, "And the Virgin exhibited the place of Ecclesia."
156 Irenaeus adds, "whom the Father of the universe selected, for passage through the womb, by means of the Logos, for recognition of Himself."
157 Cruice thinks that for stars we should read "numbers," but gives no explanation of the meaning of metewra. This word, as applied to numbers, might refer to "the astrological phenomena" deducible by means of numierical calculations.
158 A comparison of Hippolytus with Irenaeus, as regards what follows, manifests many omissions in the former.
159 Following Irenaeus, the passage would be rendered thus: "And therefore, on account of its having the remarkable (letter) concomitant with it, they style the dodecade a remarkable passion." Massuet, in his Annotations on Irenaeus, gives the following explanation of the above statement, which is made by Hippolytus likewise. From the twelfth number, by once abstracting the remarkable (number), which does not come into the order and number of the letters, eleven letters remain. Hence in the dodecade, the paqoj, or what elsewhere the heretics call the "Hysterema," is a defect of one letter. And this is a symbol of the defect or suffering which, upon the withdrawal of one Aeon, happended unto the last dodecade of Aeons.
160 Hippolytus' statement is less copious and less clear than that of Irenaeus, who explains the defect of the letter to be symbolical of an apostasy of one of the Aeons, and that this one was a female.
162 Marcus' explanation of this, as furnished by Irenaeus, is more copions than Hippolytus'.
163 The allusion here seems to be to the habit among the ancients of employing the tinkers for counting, those of the left hand being used for all numbers under 100, and those of the right for the numbers above it. To this custom the poet Juvenal alludes, when he says of Nestor: -Atque suos jam dextera computat annos. That is, that he was one hundred years old.
164 Or, "sketched out" (Irenaeus).
167 Massuet gives the following explanation: The sun each day describes a circle which is divided into twelve parts of 30 degrees each, and consists of 360 degrees. And as for each of the hours, where days and nights are equal, 15 degrees are allowed, it follows that in two hours, that is, in the twelfth part of a day, the sun completes a progress of 30 degrees.
168 Or, "of the same substance."
171 [The Apostle John delights to call himself a presbyter, and St. Peter claims to be co-presbyter with the elders whom he exhorts. The Johannean school of primitive theologians seem to love this expression pre-eminently. It was almost as little specific in the primitive age as that of pastoror ministerin our own.]
1 [Here our author's theory concerning the origin of heresy in heathen philosophy begins to be elaborated.]
3 Or, "in no respect formed his system from the Scriptures, but from the tenets propounded by the Egyptians."
4 Cruice would prefer, "from the Gnostics," on account of Cerinthus being coupled with the Gnoctics and Ebionaeans by Hippolytus, when he afterwards indicates the source from which Theodotus derived his heretical notions of Christ.
6 The word monojoccurs in Miller's text, but ought obviously to be expunged. It has probably, as Cruice conjectures, crept into the ms..from the termination of genomenoj. Duncker suggests omoiwj.
7 This rendering would ascribe Pantheism to Apelles. The parsage might also be construed, "supposed there to exist an essence (that formed the basis) of the universe."
8 A hiatus here has given rise to conjecture. Cruice suggests xoroj(band) instead of oroj.
9 Or, "practices of the monsters," or "inhospitable beasts." Abbe Cruice suggests parocewn, and Roeper emplastwn.
10 Literally, the (accursed) tree.
11 What Hippolytus now states in regard of the opinions of Basilides, is quite new (compare Irenaeus, i. 24; Clemens Alexandrinus, Stromr., iii.and vii.; Tertullian,Praescript., xlvi.; Epiphanius, Haer., xxiv.; Theodoret, i. 4; Eusebius, Ecclesiast, Hist., iv.7; and Philastrius, c. xxxii.). Abbe Cruice refers us to Basilidis philosophi Gnostici Sententiae,by Jacobi (Berlin, 1852), md to Das Basilidianische System, etc., by Ulhorn (Gottinggen, 1855).
13 Compare Porphyry's Isagoge, c. ii., and Aristotle's Categ., c.
16 Or, "the question is discussed."
17 [This word, not yet technical, as with us, is thus noted as curious. Of its force see Professor Caird, Encyc. Britannic., sub voce"Metaphysic."]
18 See Aristotle, De Anim., ii. r.
20 These works must be among Aristotle's lost writings (see Fabricius' Bibl. Graec., t. iii. pp. 232, 404). We have no work of Aristotle's expressly treating "of God." However, the Stagyrite's theology, such as it is, is unfolded in his Metaphysics. See Macmahon's analysis prefixed to his translation of Aristotle's Metaphysics, Bohn's Classical Library.
21 Aristotle composed three treatises on ethical subjects: (r ) Ethics to Nicomachus; (2) Great Morals; (3) Morals to Eudemus.
22 Miller erroneously reads "Matthew."
23 (See Bunsen, i. v. 86. A fabulous reference may convey a truth. This implies that Matthias was supposed to have preached and left results of his teachings.]
24 This emendation is made by Abbe Cruice. The ms. has "incomposite," an obviously untenable reading.
25 Or, "of what sort of material substance," etc.
28 John i. 9. [See translator's important note (I), p. y, supra.,]
31 See Plato, vol. i. p. 75 et seq., ed. Bekker. Miller do; "an obvious mistake".
32 [Foretaste of Cent.IV.] Miller's text has, instead of tou ouk ontos (non-existent), oikountos (who dwells above).
36 Miller's text has"-the soul," which Duncker and Cruice properly correct into "body."
37 Megaleiuthtos, a correction from megalhs.
38 A correction from "Arrhetus."
39 This passage is very obscure, and is variously rendered by the commentators. The above translation follows Schneidewin's version, which yields a tolerably clear meaning.
48 kat autouj. Ulhorn fills up the ellipsis thus: "And in reference to these localities of the Arghons," etc.
49 This is a more correct form than that occasionally given, viz., Abraxas. See Beausobre, Hist. Manich., lib. ii. p. 51.
53 Miller's text has "judgment," which yields no meaning. Roeper suggests "Ogdoad."
55 Or, "their own peculiar locality" (Bunsen).
56 This word is added by Bunsen.
59 See Clemens Alexandrinus, Strom., ii. p. 375, ed. Sylburg. [Comp, cap. viii. vol. ii. p. 355, this series.]
60 Bernays and Bunsen read ton Peripaton, which Abbe Cruice and Duncker consider erroneous, referring us to Eusebius, Hist. Ecclesiast., iv. 7.
61 See [vol. i. p. 348, this series, where it is Saturninus]; Irenaeus, i. 24; [vol. iii., this series, p. 649]; Tertullian, Praescript. xlvi.; Epiphanius, Haer., xxiii.; Theodoret, Haer. Fab., i. 3; St. Augustine, Haer., iii. Eusebius styles this heretic Saturninus.
62 Epiphanius makes Basilides and Saturnilus belong to the same school.
63 Faeinhs: Millet reads Fwnhs.
67 See [vol. i. p.352. this series]; Irenaeus i. 27; [vol. iii., this series especially p. 257], Tertullian, Adv. Marc., and Praescript., xxx.; Epiphanius, Haer., xlii.: /Theodoret, Haer. Fab., i. 24; Eusebius., Hist. Ecclesiast., v.13, 16; and St.Augustine, Haer., xxii.
68 Or, "quarelsome," or, "frantic."
69 Hippolytus' discussion respecting the heresy of Marcion is, chiefly interesting from the light which it throws on the philosophy of Empedocles.
70 These are lines 55-57 in Karsten's edition of a collection of the. Empedociean verses.
71 These are lines 110, 111, in Stein's edition of Empedocles.
73 Line 7 (Karsten), 381 (Stein).
74 Line 4 (Karsten), 372, 373 (Stein).
75 Line 5 (Karsten), 374 (Stein).
76 Line 6 (Karsten), 375, 376 (Stein).
77 Lines 16-19 (Karsten),377-380(Stein).
78 Lines 1, 2 (Karsten), 369, 370(Stein).
79 The text of these verses,as given by Hippolytus, is obviously corrupt, and there(ore obscure. Schneidewin has furnished an emended copy of them (Philol., vi. 166), which the translator has mostly adopted. (See Stein's edition of the Empedoclean Verses, line 222 et seq.)
80 o kolobodaktuloj. Bunsen [more suo, vol. i., p. 89] considers this a corrupt reading, and suggests kalwn logwnv didaskalos, i.e., "a teacher of good words," i.e., an evangelist, which word, as just used, he does not irish to repeat. The Abbe Cruice denies the necessity for any such emendation, and refers us to an article in the Journal of Classical and Sacred Philology(Cambridge, March, 1855), the writer of which maintains, on the authority of St. Jerome, that St. Mark bad amputated his thumb, in order that he might be considered disqualified for the priesthood.
82 What Hippolytus communicates concerning Prepon is quite new. The only writer who mentions him is Theodoret (Haer. Fab., i. 25). in his article on Apelles.
83 Schneidewin gives a restored version of these lines. They are found (at 1ines 338-341)in Stein's edition of the Empedoclean Verses.
84 Tertullian combats these heretical notions in his De Carne Christi[vol. viii. p. 521, two series].
86 Matt. xix. 17; Mark x. 18; Luke xviii. 19.
87 See [vol. i. p. 350] Irenaes, i. 25; [vol. iii. p. 203] Tertullian, De Anima, c. xxiii.-xxv., and Praescript., c. xlviii.; Eusebius. Hist. Ecclesiast., iv. 7, Epiphanius, Haer., xxvii. see.2; Theodoret, Haer. Fab.,i. 5; and St.Augustine, Haer., c. vii. The entire of this article is taken from Irenaes, and equally coincides with the account given of Carpocrates by Epiphanius.
90 Epiphanius alludes in the same manner to these images.
91 See [vol. i. pp. 351, 415] Irenaeus, i. 26, iii. 2, 3; [vol. iii. p. 631] Tertullian, Praescript.,c. xlviii.; Eusebius, Hist. Ecclesiast., iii. 28, vii. 25; Epiphanius, Haer., xxviii.; Theodoret, Haer.Fab., ii. 3; St. Augustine, Haer.,c. viii.; and Sr. Jerome, Ep., ixxxix. We have here, as in the preceding articles, Irenaeus in the Greek, as Hippolytus' text corresponds with the Latin version of this portion of Irenaeus' work.
94 See [vol. i. p. 352] Irenaes, i. 26; [vol. iii. p. 651] Tertullian, Praescript., c. xlviii.; [vol. iv. p. 429, this series] Origen, Contr. Cels. ii. r; Eusebius, Hist. Ecclesiast., iii, 27; Epiphanius, Haer., xxx,; and Theodoret, Haer. Fab., ii. 2. Hippolytus is indebted in this article partly to Irenaes, and partly to original sources.
95 Or, "that the Christ o( God was named Jesus" (Bunsen).
96 See [vol. iii. p. 654, "two Theodoti "] Tertullian, Praescript., c. liii.: Eusebuis, Hist. Ecclesiast, v. 27; Epiphanius, Haer.,liv.; and Theodoret, Haer. Fab., ii. 5. Clemens Alexandrinus seems to have been greatly indebted to Theodotus, whose system he has explained and commented upon.
97 Concerning the younger Theodotus, see [vol. iii. p. 654] Tertutllian. Praescript., c. liii.; Epiphanius, Haer., lv.; and Theodoret, Haer. Fab., ii. 6.
98 Or, "in reference to" (Bunsen).
99 Or, "have been adduced" (Miller).
100 See [ut supra] Irenaeus, i. 26; [ut supra] Tertullian, Praescript., c. xlv.; Epiphanius, Haer., c. xxv.; Eusebius, Hist. Ecclesiast., iii. 29; Theodoret, Haer. Fab., i. 15; and St. Augustine, Haer., c.v. [But see Clement, vol. ii. p. 373 this series.]
101 [He understands that the seven (Acts vi. 5) were deacons. Bunsen, i. p.97.]
102 Or."knowledge." Bunsen suggests brwsewj, as translated above.
104 Irenaeus, i. 27; Eusebius (who here gives Irenaeus' Greek), Hist. Ecclesiast., iv. 2; Epiphanius, c. xli.; Theodoret, Haer. Fab., i. 24; and Philastrius, i. xliv.
105 Hippolytus follows Irenaeus but introduces some alterations.
106 Antiqeseij. This is the emendation proposed by tbe Abbe Cruice. The textual reading is antiparaqeseij(comparisons).
107 See [ut supra, p.,353], Tertullian, Praescript., c. li., and Epiphanius, Haer., c. xliii.
108 See (vol. iii. p, 257 ) Tertullian, Praescript., c. xxx.; Eusebius, Hist. Ecclesiast., v, 13; Epiphanius, Haer., c. xliv.; Theodoret, Haer. Fab., i. 25: and St. Augustine, Haer., c. xxiv.
109 Fanerwsesi. Miller's text reads Fanerwj, the error of which is obvious from Tertullian's Praescript., c. xxx. Cruice considers tne word to signify the title of a work written by Apelles.
1 Much that we have in this book is quite new. Hippolytus derives his article on Tatian, and in a measure that on the Encratites, from Irenaeus. The rest is probably from original sources.
3 [Note the honour uniformly rendered to the Holy Scriptures by the Fathers.]
4 Matt. vii. 3, 4; Luke vi. 41, 42.
5 See [vol i. p. 526] Irenaeus v. r; Theodoret, Haer, Fab., v. encl [vol. ii. p. 398, and Elucidation XIV. p. 407] Clemens Alexandrinus (Strom., iii.), who informs us that Julius Cassianus-a pupil of Valentinus-was founder of the Docetic heresy.
6 Miller's text reads papeinon(lowly), but this is obviously untenable. Duncker alters it into apeiron(infinite), and joins tapeinwith the word following. He renders the passage thus: "but infin in power-a lowly magnitude." Cruice strikes out the word tapeinand renders the passage thus: "but infinite in power, a magniti incalculable in bulk." The above rendering seems to convey Hpolytns' meaning.
7 Or," the Lord came in search of fruit" (Roeper). The read. followed in the translation agrees with the scriptural account; see Luke xiii. 7.
8 Matt. xxi. 19, 20; Mark xi. 13, 14, 2, 2.
10 Matt. xiii. 3-8; Mark iv. 3-8; Luke viii. 5-8.
11 The word Mary seems interpolated. Miller's text reads it after en mesothti. The passage would then be rendered thus: "that is, Him who through the intervention of Mary (has been born into the world) the Saviour of all."
12 To asfalej: Cruice reads, on the authority of Bernays, afelej, i.e., the simplicity.
16 The Docetae here attempted to substantiate their system from Scripture by a play upon words.
17 The Greek word for soul is derived from the same root as that for refrigeration.
18 These words are spoken of the wile of Job, as the feminine form, planhtijand latrij, proves. They have been added from apocryphal sources to the Greek version (ii. 9), but are absent from the English translation. The passage stands thus: kai egw planhtij kai latrij topon ek topou perierxomenh kai oikian ec oikiaj. The Abbe Cruice refers to St. Chrysostom's Hom. de Statuis[voL ii. p. 139, opp. ed Migne. not textually quoted.]
21 Miller reads, "of the third Aeon."
22 The Abbe Cruice considers that the mention of the period of our Lord's birth has accidentally dropt out of the ms.. here. See book vii. chap. xix.
26 What is given here by Hippolytus respecting Monoimus is quite new. The only writer that mentions him is Theodoret, Haer. Fab., i. 18. [See Bunsen, vol. i. p. 103.]
28 Or, "kinglessly," which has no meaning here. Miller therefore alters abasileutwjinto aboulhtwj.
30 The plagues, being transformations, were no doubt considered symbols of creation, in accordance with the view of the ancient philosophers, that creation itself brought nothing into existence, but simply altered the disposition of already existing elements. [Gen. i. 2. See Dr. Chalmers' Astronomical Discources.]
31 It is very much after this allegorical mode that Philo Judxus interprets the Mosaic law and history.
32 [Exod. xii. 17. Comp. 1 Cor. v. 7, 8.]
35 See [vol. i. pp. 353, 457. But see his works, vol. ii. p. 6r, this series]; Irenaeus, i. 28; Eusebius, Hist. Ecclesiast., iv. i6, v. i3; Epiphanius, Haer., xlvi.: Jerome, Vir. Illustr., c. xxix.; and Theodoret, Haer. Fab., i. 20.
36 See [vol. iii. p. 257, also p. 477] Tertullian, Praescript, c. xxx.; [vol. iv. p. 245, this series] Origen, Peri arx., i. 2; Eusebius, De Pvaep., vii. 8, g; St, Augustine, Haer., lix.; Theodoret, Haer. Fab., i. 19; and Philastrius, Haer., lv.
39 They were therefore called "Quartodecimans." (See Eucebius, Hist. Ecclesiast., v. c. xxii. xxv.; Epiphanius, Haer., l.; and Theodoret, fleer. Haer. Fab., iii. 4.)
40 [Bunsen, i. p. 105.] The chapter on the Quartodecimans agrees with the arguments which, we are informed in an extract from Hippolytus' Chronicon Paschalea, as preserved in a quotation by Bishop Peter of Alexandria, were employed in his Treatis against all Heresies. This would seem irrefragable proof of the authorship of the Refutation of all Heresies.
42 [He regards the Christian Paschal as authorized. 1 Cor. v. 7, 8]
43 These heretics had several denominations: (I) Phrygians and Cataphrygians, from Phrygia; (2) Pepuzian, from a villiage in Phrygia of this name; (3) Priscillianists; (4) Quintillists See Esebius, Hist. Ecclesiast., iv, 27, v. 16, 18; Epiphanius, Haer., xliii.; Theodoret, Haer. Fab., iii. 2; Philastrius, xlix.; and St. Augustine, Haer., xxvi. [The "Tertullianists" were a class by themselves, which is a fact going far to encourage the idea that they did not share the worst of these delusions.]
44 Bunsen thinks that Hippolytus is rather meagre in his details of the heresy of the Phrygians or Montanists, but considers this, with other instances, a proof that parts of The Refutationare only abstracts of more extended accounts.
45 [See my Introductory Note to Hermas, vol. ii. p. 5, this series.]
47 [This, Tertullian should have learned. How happily Keble, in his Christian Year, gives it in sacred verse: "We need not bid, for cloister'd cell, Our neighbour and our work farewell, Nor strive to wind ourselves too high For sinful man beneath the sky:" "The trivial round, the common task, Would furnish all we ought to ask; Room to deny ourselves; a road To bring us daily nearer God."]
49 The Ophites are not considered, as Hippolytus has already devoted so much of his work to the Naasseni. The former denomination is derived from the Greek, and the latter from the Hebrew, and both signify worshippers of the serpent.
50 Hippolytus seemingly makes this a synonyme with Ophites. Perhaps it is connected with the Hebrew word #$hg
1 Or, "fruitless" or "meaning."
3 [1 Cor. xi. 19. These terrible confusions were thus foretold. Note the remarkable feeling, the impassioned tone, of the Apostle's warning in Acts xx. 28 - 31.]
4 [The Philosophumena, therefore, responds to the Apostle's warnings. Col. ii. 8; 1 Tim. vi. 20; Gal. iv. 3, 9; Col. ii. 20.]
5 See Fragments of Hippolytus' Works(p.235 et seq.), edited by Fabricius: Theodoret, Haer. Fab., iii. 3; Epiphanius, Haer., ivii.; and Philastrius, Haeret., liv. Theodoret mentions Epigonus and Cleomenes, and his account is obviously adopted by Hippolytus.
6 [See Tatian, vol, ii. p. 66, this series.]
7 [See note 2a, cap. iii. infra., and Elucidation V,]
10 [Note the emphasis and repeated statement with which our author dwells on this painful charge.]
12 2 Pet. ii. 22. [See book x. cap xxiii., p. 148, infra.]
13 [O Zkoteinoj, because he maintained the darkestsystem of sensual philosophy that ever shed night over the human intellect. -T. Lewis in Plato against the Atheists, p. 156; Elucidation VII.]
14 [Note the use of this phrase, "imaginethemselves. etc," as a specialty of our author's style. See cap. ii. supra; Elucidation VIII.]
15 [Note the use of this phrase, "imaginethemselves. etc," as a specialty of our author's style. See cap. ii. supra; Elucidation VIII.]
16 This addition seems necessary from Stobaeus' account of Heraclitus. (See Eclog. Phys., i. 47, where we have Heraclitus affirming that "unity is from plurality, and plurality from unity;" or, in other words, "that all things are one.")
17 Dr.Wordsworth for dikaionsuggests eikaion, i e., "but that the Deity is by chance." There is some difficulty in arriving at the correct text, and consequently at the meaning of Hippolytus' extracts from Heraclitus. The Heraclitean philosophy is explained by Stobaeus, already mentioned. See likewise Bernays' "Critical Epistle" in Bunsen's Analect. Ante-Nicaen. )vol. iii p. 331 et seq. of Hippolytus and his Age), and Schleiermacher in <\i>\Museum der Alterthumswissensxhaft<\|i>\, t. i p. 408 et seq.
18 palintropoj. Miller suggests palintonoj, the word used by Plutarch' (De Isid. et Osirid., p. 369, ed. Xyland) in recounting Heraclitus' opinion. Palintonoj, referring to the shape of the bow, means "reflex" or "unstrung," or it may signify "clanging," that is, as a consequence of its being well bent back to wing a shaft.
19 Compare Aristotle's Rhet., iii. 5, and Sextus Empiricus, Adv. Math., lib. vii. p. 152 ed. Aurel, 1621.
20 See Lucian, Vit. Auct., vol i. p. 554, ed. Hemsterh.
21 This word seems necessary, see Plutarch, De Procreat. animae, c. xxvii.
22 This is a well-known anecdote in the life of Homer. see Coleridge's Greek Poets-Homer. [The unsavoury story is decently given by Henry Nelson Coleridge in this work, republished. Boston James Munroe & Co., 1842.]
23 See Theogon., v. 123 et seq., v. 748 et st.
24 Gnafewn: some read gnafeiw, i.e., a fuller's soap. Tbe proper reading however, is probably gnafwu, i.e., a carder's comb. Dr. Wordsworth's text has grafewnand en tw grafeiw, and he translate.i the passage thus: "The path," says he, "of the lines of the machine called the screw is both straight and crooked, and the revolution in the raving-tool is both straight and crooked."
25 See Diogenes, Laertius, ix. 8.
26 Plato, Clemens Alexandrinus, [vol. ii. p. 384, this series], and Sextus Empiricus notice this doctrine of Heraclitus.
27 Enqade eontaj: some read, enqa qeon dei, i.e., "God must arise and become the guardian," etc. The rendering in the text is adopted by Bernays and Bunsen.
28 Or, "as commingled kinds of incense eachwith different names, but denominated," etc.
29 Dr. Wordsworth reads o nomizetai, and translates the passage thus: "But they undergo changes, as perfumes do, when whatever is thought agreeable to any individual is mingled with them."
30 Hippolytus repeats this opinion in his summary in book x. (See Theodorit, Haer. Fab., iii. 3.)
33 The MS. reads kaq hdian, obviously corrupt. Dr. Wordsworth suggests kat idian, i.e., "he, under pretext of arguing with them, deluded them."
34 It is to be noticed how the plural number i.i observed in this account, its keeping before the reader's mind the episcopal office of him who was thus exercising high ecclesiastical:authority. [Elucidation XI.]
35 It is to be noticed how the plural number i.i observed in this account, its keeping before the reader's mind the episcopal office of him who was thus exercising high ecclesiastical:authority. [Elucidation XI.]
37 Hippolytus is obviously sneering at the martyrdomn of Callistus, who did not m reality suffer or die for the truth. Nay, his condemnation before Fuscianus enabled Callistus to succeed entirely in his plans for worldly advancement. [The martyrdomof Callistus, so ludicrous in the eyes o( our author, is doctrinein the Roman system. This heretic figures as a saint, and has his festival on the 14th of October. Maxima veneratione colitur, says the Roman Breviary.]
38 The Latin name is written by Hippolytus in Greek letters, and means "the public fish-market." The Piscina, one of the fourteen quarters of Rome, was the resort of money-dealers.
39 The Pistrinumwas the domestic treadmill of the Roman slaveholders.
40 [An instance illustrative of the touching sense of moral obligation owen in 2 Kings vi. 5.]
41 See Josephus, Antig., xix, 10.
42 The air of Sardinia was unwholesome, if not pestilential; and for this reason, no doubt, it was selected as a place of exile for martyrs. Hippolytus himself, along with the Roman bishop Pontianus, was banished thither. See introductory Notice.
43 Marcia's connection with the emperor would not seem very consistent with the Christian character which Hippolytus ives her. Dr. Wordsworth supposes that Hippolytus speaks ironically in the case of Marcia, as well as of Hyacinthus and Carpophorus. [I do not see the evidence of this. Poor Marcia, afterwards poisoned by the wretch who de degradeded, was a heathen who under a little light was awakening to some sense of duty, like the woman of Samaria, John iv. 19.]
44 [Note this expression in contrast with subsequent claims to be the "Universal Bishop."]
45 See Dio Cassius, ixii. 4. [See vol. ii. p. 604, this series ]
46 Or, "a presbyter, thouh an eunuch," thus indicating the decay of ecclesiastical discipline.
47 Or, "that Marcia had been brought up by him." [See what Bunsen has to say [ vol. i. pp. 126, and, and note) upon this subject, about which we know very little ]
48 The cemeteryof Callistus was situated in the Via Appia. [The catacombs near the Church of St. Sebastian still bear the name of this unhappy man, and give incidental corroboration to the incident.]
49 [Here wordsworth's note is valuable, p. 80. Callistus had doubtless sent letters to announce his consecration to other bishops, as was customary, and had received answers demanding proofs of his orthodoxy. See my note on the intercommunion of primitive bishops, vol. ii. p. 12, note 9; also on the Provincial System, vol. iv. pp. 111, 114p. Also Cyprian, this vol. passim.]
50 euqewj mhden. Scott reads euqeoj mhden, Dr. Wordsworth translates the words thus: "having no rectitude of mind."
52 [Here is a very early precedent for the Taxa Paenitentiaria,of which see Bramhall, vol. i. pp. 56, 180; ii. pp. 445, 446].
55 [Elucidation XIII. And on marriage of the clergy, vol. iv. p. 49, this series.]
58 This passage, of which there are different readings, has been variously interpreted. The rendering followed above does probably less violence to the text than others proposed. The variety of meaning generally turns on the word enaziain Miller's text. Bunsen alters it into en azia... hlikia, i.e., were inflamed at a proper age. Dr. Wordsworth reads hlikiwth... anaziw, i.e., an unworthy comrade. Roeper reads hlikia... anaziou, i.e., in the bloom of youth were enamoured with one undeserving of their choice.
59 Dr. Wordsworth places peridesmeisqaiin the first sentence, and translates thus: "women began to venture to bandage themselves with ligaments to produce abortion, and to deal with drugs in order to destroy what it was conceived."
60 [The prescience of Hermas and Clement is here illustrated. See vol. ii. pp. 9, 32, 279, 597, etc.]
62 [Bunsen, i. 115. Elucidation XV.]
63 See Eusebius, Hist. Ecclesiast., vi. 38; Epiphanius, Haer, xix.; and Theodoret, Haer. Fab., ii. 7.
64 For planhqhnaiDr. Wordsworth reads platunqhnai, i.e., did not suffer the heresy to spread wide.
65 Roeper reads teknwi.e., if any one is guilty of an unnatural crime.
66 [Concerning angels of repentance, etc., see Hermas, vol, ii. pp. 19, 24, 26.]
67 Miller suggests the singular number (dunamewj).
70 See Josephus, De Beil. Judaic. ii. 8, from whom Hippolytus seems to have taken his account of the Jewish sects, except, as Schneidewin remarks, we suppose some other writer whom Josephus and Hippolytus themselves followed. The Abbe Cruice thinks that the author followed by Hippolytus was not Josephus, but a Christian writer ref the first century, who derived his materials from the Jewish historian. Hippolytus' text sometimes varies from the text of Josephus, as well as of Porphyry, who has taken excerpts from Josephus work.
72 [The Essenes practised many pious and edifying rites; and this became Christian usage, after our Lord's example. Matt. xiv. 19; 1 Tim. iv. 3 - 5.]
73 [Query, unnecessarily? This seems the sense required.]
74 [Deut. xxiii. 13. The very dogs scratch earth upon their ordure; and this ordinance of decency is in exquisite consistency with the modesty of nature, against which Christians should never offend.]
75 [This zeal for the letterof the Second Commandment was not shared by our Lord (Matt. xxii. 20).]
76 [Important corroborations of Justin and other Fathers, vol. i p. 286; ii. p. 338, also 81, 117, 148.]
77 Thus Plato's "Laws" present many parallels to the writings of Moses. Some have supposed that Plato became acquainted with:he Pentateuch through the medium of an ancient Greek version extant prior to that of the Septuagint.
78 Or, "the law not of yesterday," ou newsti ton nomon. reads Qeoktistonas rendered above.
1 [This word is an index of authenticity. See on the "Little Labyrinth," Bunsen, i. p. 243, and Wordsworth, pp. 100, 161, and his references to Routh, Lardner, etc,]
2 Hippolytus in what follows is indebted to Sextus Empiricus. Adv. Phys., x.
3 See Karst., Fragm., viii. 45.
6 See Karst., Fragm., ix. p. 46.
7 Fabricius, in his Commentary on Sextus Empiricus, considers that this is a quotation from the Hymns of Euripides.
10 [See De Legibus, lib. x., and note xii. p. 119, Tayler Lewis' Plato against the Atheists.]
11 Cruice supplies from Theodoret: "and the second which is good is self-begotten, and the third is generated."
13 afietai eikh: Bernays proposes ofioeidhi.e., being of the form of the serpent.
14 The commentators refer us to Ps. xxix. 3.
16 This section differs considerably from what Hippolytus has already stated concerning Valentinus. [" Sige," vol. i. p. 62, note 5.]
17 The allusion here is to the shamelessness of the Cynics in regard to sexual intercourse.
18 The account here given of Cerdon and Marcion does not accurately correspond with that already furnished by Hippolytus of these heretics.
20 Or, "the Son;" or, "the Son of Mary" (Cruice).
21 [Vol. iii. p. 654, this series, where it should have been noted that the Appendixto Tertullian is supposed by Waterland to be "little else but an extract from Hippolytus." He pronounces:t "ancient and of good value." See Wordsworth's remarks on the biblidarion, p. 59.]
22 The Ms. has the obviously corrupt reading paradoseij, which Duncker alters into paradozouj(strange).
23 Cruice suggests the addition of the words "and death," in order to correspond with the remainder of the sentence. The punctuation followed above is conjectural, but gives substantially the meaning of the text as settled by Duncker.
24 stauroumenon/. The ms.. reads kratoumenon, which would mean seized or vanquished. The former yields no meaning, and the latter conveys an erroneous conception regarding the Blessed Lord, who, in yielding to suffering and death, showed Himself more than con-! queror of both (John x. 17, 18).
25 Cruice considers that Theodoret has taken his account (Haer. Fab., i. 19) from this tenth book of The Refutation.
26 There is here a hiatus, which Abbe Cruice thinks is caused by those portions of the ms. being lost, in which Hippolytus furnishes his Summary of the Jewish Sects. The object of introducing these genealogical and ethnic remaks might at first seem irrelevant; but they are intended to be subservient to Hippolytus' Demostration of the Truth, by proving the superior antiquity, as coming down from Abraham, of revelation above all pagan philosophy. [See,cap. xxvii. infra] Abbe Cruise refers us to his work (pp. 72-77), Etudes sur de Nouveaux Documents Historiques empruntes a L'Ouvrage desfilosofoumena, Paris, 1853.
27 [Vol. ii. p. 306, this series.]
28 That is, Kohath (see Gen. xlvi. 2).
29 That is, Tera (see Gen. xi. 26).
31 [Possibly a physicalcatastrophe. Gen. x. 25, and 1 Chron. i. 19.]
32 The system of seventy-two nations here adopted by Hippolytus is that advanced by Jewish writers generally, and has been probably deduced from the tenth chapter of Genesis Another historian of the heresies of the Church adopts it-Epiphanius. A chronographer, however, contemporary with Hippolytus-Julius Africanus-discarded this number, as is proved by the fragments of his work preserved by Eusebius and Syncellus.
33 The allusion here made constitutes a strong reason for ascribing The Refutationto Hippolytus, the author of which here states that he had written a Chronicle. But the fragment in our text corresponds with a Latin translation of a Chronicongiven by Fabricius, and bearing the name of Hippolytus. The terms in which Hippolytus delivers himself above imply that he was the inventor of a chronological system, thus harmonizing with the fact that the Paschal Cycle, though ever so faulty, was selected out of all his writings for being inscribed on Hippolytus' statue, dug up on the road to Tivoli .a d. 1551, in the vicinity of Rome, near the Church of St. Lorenzo. [This modest note is of no slight importance to the case, as elucidated by Bunsen and Wordsworth.]
34 [Hippolytus does not call in the Greek fables to support the biblical story; he dismisses them with indifference. Yet the universality of such traditions is unaccountable save as derived from the history of Noah.
36 [That such relics were exhibited need not be doubted if the account of Berosus is credited. We may doubt as to their genuineness, of course.]
37 [See note 4, p. 148, supra.]
38 [The only son of Ham who did not go to Africa, vol. iii. p. 3.]
39 [The fable of Iapetus cannot be explained away as a corroboration of the biblical narrative. Hor., Od., i. 3, 27.]
40 [Here the Edinburgh has "nature." The context seems to require the more comprehensive word "Truth."]
41 The margin, in of the ms. has the words "Origen and Origen's opinion." This seemed to confirm the criticism which ascribes The Refutationto Origin. But even supposing Origen not the author, the copyer of the ms. might have written Origen's name on the margin, as indicating the transcriber's opinion concerning the coincidence of creed between Origen and the a¯thor of The Refutation. The fact, however, i.-, that the doctrine of eternal punishment, asserted in the concluding chapter of The Refutation, was actually controverted by Origen. See translator's Introductory Notice. (See also War;Isworth (a lucid exposition), p. 20, etc., and infra, cap. xxix. note 5.]
42 oroghn (Scott). The ms.. has morfhn.
43 Here we have another reference intimately bearin on the authorship of The Refutation. What follows corresponds with a fragment having a similar title to that stated above, first published by Le Moyne, and inserted in Fabricius (i. pp. 22O - 222) as the work of Hippolytus. Photics mentions this work, and give an extract from it corresponding with what is furnished by Hippolytus. Photius, however, mentions that the book On the Substance of the Universewas said to be written by Josephus, but discovers in marginal notes the asription of it to Caius. But Caius cannot be the writer, since Photius states that the author of The Labyrinthaffirmed that he had written 0n the Substance of the Universe. Now Hippolytus informs us that he is author of The Labyrinth. Hippolytus thus refers to three of his works in The Refutation: (I) eterai bibloi, i.e., on Chronology; (2) Concerning the Substance of the Universe; (3) Little Labyrinth. Except Hippolytus and Photics refer to different works in speaking of The Labyrinth, the foregoing settles the question of the authorship of The Refutation. [See the case of Caius stated. Wordsworth, cap. iv. p. 27, etc.]
45 This passage is differently rendered, according as we read fwnhwith Bunsen, or fwnhnwith Dr. Wordsworth. The latter also alters the reading of the vs. (at the end of the next sentence!, apeteleitoarckwn ew, into apetelei to areskon, "he carried into effect what was pleasing to the Toity."
46 Dr.Wordsworth suggests for genesei, epigenesei, i.e., a continuous series of procreaition.
47 See Orion, in Foann., tom.. ii. sec. 8.
49 Compare Orig;en, in Foann., sec. 2, where we have a similar opinion stated. A certain parallel in this and other portions of Hippolytus' concluding remarks, induces the transcriber, no doubt, to write "Origen's opinion" in the margin.
50 Matt. xxv. 21, 23; Luke xvi. 10, 11, 12. [Also 2 Pet. i. 4, one of the king-texts of the inspired oracles.
51 [Nicene doctrine, ruling out all conditions of time from the idea of the generation of the Logos.]
52 autezousioj. Hippolytus here follows his master Irenaeus (Haer., iv. 9), and in doing so enunciatess an Opinion, and uses an expression adopted universally by patristic writers, up to the period of St. Augustine. This great philosopher and divine, however, shook the entire fabric of existing theology respecting the will, and started diffculties, speculative ones at least, which admit of no solution short of the annihilation of finite thought and volition. See translator's Treatise on Metaphysics, chap. x. [Also compare Irenaeus, vol. i.p. 518, and Clement, vol. ii. pp. 319 passimto 525; also vol. iii. 301, and vol. iv. Tertullian and Origen. See Indexeson Free-will.]
53 Dr. Wordsworth translates the passage thus: "Endued with free will, but not dominant; having reason, but not able to govern," etc.
54 [One of the most pithy of all statements as to the origin of subjectiveevil, i.e., evil in humanity.]
55 See Origen, in Joann., tom. ii. sec. 7.
57 Ps. cx. 3; 2 Pet. i. 18, 19.
58 In making the Logos a living principle in the prophets, and as speaking through them to the Church of God in all ages, Hippolytus agrees with Origen. This constitutes another reason for the marginal note "Origen's opinion," already mentioned. (See Origen, peri =arxwn, i. I.)
59 Hippolytus expresses similar opinions respecting the economy of the prophets, in his work, De Antichristo, sec. 2.
60 Hippolytus here compares the ancient prophets with the oracles of the Gentiles. The heathen seers did not give forth their vaticinations spontaneously, but furnished responses to those only who made inquiries after them, says Dr. Wordsworth.
61 pefurakota, This is the reading adopted by Cruice and Wordsworth. The translator has followed Cruice's rendering, refinxissewhile Dr. Wordsworth construes the word "fashioned." The latter is mare literal, as furawmeans to knead, though the sense imparted to it by Cruice would seem more coincident with the scriptural account ( 1 Cor. v. 7; 2 Cor. v. 17; Gal. vi. 15). Bunsen does not alter peforhkota, the reading of the its, and translates it, "to have put on the old man through a new formation." Sauppe reads pefurhkota. See Hippolytus, De Antichristo, sec. 26, in Danielem (p. 205, Mai); and Irenaeus, v. 6.
62 [See Irenaeus (a very beautiful passage), voL i. p. 391.]
63 [See vol. iv. pp, 255 and 383.]
64 This is the reading adopted by Cruice and Bunsen. Dr. Wordsworth translates the passage thus: "acknowledging thyself a man of like nature with Christ, and thou also waiting for the appearance of what thou gavest Him." The source of consolatian to man which Hippolytus, according to Dr. Wordsworth, is here anxious to indicate, is the glorification of human nature in the person of the Lord Jesus Christ. Dr. Wordsworth therefore objects to Bunsen's rendermg, as it gives to the passage a meaning different from this.
65 [The translator's excessive interpolations sometimes needlessly dilute the terse characteristics of the author. Thus, with confusing brackets, the Edinburgh reads: "who so often lead your armies to victory." This is not Hippolytus, and, in such instances, I feel bound to reduce a plethoric text.]
66 [Here the practical idea of the Philosophumenacomes out; and compare vol. iv. pp. 469 and 570.]
67 Dr. Wordsworth justifies Hippolytus' use of the pagan word "Tartarus," by citing the passage (2 Pet. ii. 4), "For if God spared not the angels that sinned, but cast them down to hell, and delivered them into chains of darkness (seiraij zofou tartarwsaj), to be reserved unto judgment," etc. [Elucidation XVII. and vol. iv. 140.]
68 Schneidewin suggests a comparison of this passage with Hippolytus' fragment, Against Plato, concerning the Cause of the Universe(p 22O, ed. Fabricii; p. 68, ed. de Lagarde).
69 The different renderings of this passage, according to different readings, are as follow: "And the worm the scum of the body, turning to the Body that foamed it forth as to that which nourisheth it" (Wordsworth). "The worm which winds itself without rest round the mouldering body, to feed upon it" (Bunsen and Scott). "The worm wriggling as over the filth of the (putrescent) flesh towards the exhaling body" (Roeper). "The worm turning itself towards the substance of the body, towards, (I say,) the exhalations of the decaying frame, as to food" (Schneidewm). The words chiefly altered are: opousian, into (I) ep ousian, (2) ep= alousia(3) apaustwj; and epistrefouenoninto (I) epistrefon, (2) epi trofhn.
70 [This startling expression is justified by such texts as 2 Pet. i. 4compared with John xvii. 22, 23, and Rev. iii. 21. Thus, Christ overrules the Tempter (Gen. iii. 5), and gives more than was offered by the "Father of Lies."]
71 [Compare John x. 34with Rev. v. 10. kings of the earth may be called "gods," in a sense; ergo,etc.]
72 Bunsen translates thus: "Doubt not that you will exist again," a rendering which Dr. Wordsworth controverts in favour of the one adopted above.
73 Bunsen translates thus: "For Christ is He whom the God of all has ordered to wash away the sins," etc. Dr. Wordsworth severely censures this rendering in a lengthened note.
74 ptwxeuei, Bunsen translates,"for God acts the beggar towards thee," which is literal, though rather unintelligible. Dr. Wordsworth renders the word thus: "God has a longing for thee."
75 Hippolytus, by his argument, recognises the duty not merely of overthrowing error but substantiating truth, or in other words, the negative and positive aspect of theology. His brief statement (chap. xxviii.-xxx.) in the latter department, along with being eminently reflective, constitutes a noble specimen of patristic eloquence. [This is most just: and it must be observed, that having summed up his argument against the heresies derived from carnal anil inferior sources, and shown the primal truth, he advances (in chap. xxviii.) to the Nnicene position, and proves himself one of the witnesses on whose traditive testimony that sublime formulary was given to the whole Church as the kthma ej aeiof Christendom,- a formal countersign of apostolic doctrine.]
76 I venture to state this to encourage young students to keep pen in hand in all their researches, and always to make notes.
77 Pompey and others were called imperatoresbefore the Caesars, but who includes them with the Roman emperors?
78 How St. Peter would regard it, see 1 Pet. v. 1-3. I am sorry to find Dr. Schaff, in his useful compilation, History of the Christian Church, vol. ii. p 166, dropping, into the old ruts of fable, after sufficiently proving just before, what I have maintained. He speaks of "the insignificance of the first Popes,"-meaning the early Bishops of Rome, men who minded their own business, but could not have been "insignificant" had they even imagined themselves "Popes."
79 See Bossuet, passim, and all the Callican doctors down to our own times. In England the "supremacy" was never acknowledged nor in France, until now.
80 See his Hippol., vol. i. pp. 209, 311.
81 See vol. ii. p. 298, this series.
83 Vol. iv p 114, Elucidation II., this series.
84 Even Quinet notes this. See his Ultamontanism, p. 40, ed. 1845.
85 Bunsen gives it as the thirty-fifth, vol. i. p. 311.
86 Of which we shall learn in vol. viii., this series.
87 See Bingham, book ix. cap. i. sec. 9.
88 Wordsworth, chap. viii. p, 93.
89 See vol. I, pp. 415, 460, this series.
90 Introduction to Greek Classics, p.228.
91 See vol. ii. p. 12, also iv. 210.
92 See Treatise on the Lapsed, infra.
97 Bunsen, p. 134; Theordor., tom, iv. pt. i. p. 343, ed. Hal. 1772.
99 tartarwsaj, 2 Pet. ii. 4. A sufficient answer to Dr. Bunsen, vol. iv. p. 33, who says this Epistle was not known to the primitive Church.
100 See Speaker's Comm., ad loc.
101 St. Hippol., p. 301, with Original text.
103 A translation of Quinet, on Ultramontanism, appeared in London in a semi-infidel series, 1845.
1 In John Damasc., Sacr. Parall., Works, ii. p. 787. That Hippolytus wrote on the Hexaemeronis noticed by Eusebius, Hist. Eccl., vi. 22, and by Jerome, Sncellus, Honorius, etc.
2 These fragments are excerts from a Commentary on Genesis, compiled from eighty-eight father, which is extant in manuscript in the Vienna library. They are found also in a Catenaon Matthew, issued at Leipsic in 1772.
4 This must refer, I suppose, to the words, "And it was so."
7 "My" (mou) is wanting in Origen's Hexapla.
9 [He makes the curse o( Reuben applicable to the Church's truth and purity.]
10 ecairesewj autwn, "of set purpose."
13 After "this " (touto) the word "blood" (to auma) seems to have been dropped.
16 [By the sin of Annas and Caiaphas, with others, the tribe of Levi became formallysubject to this curse again, and with Simeon (absorbed into Judah) inherited it. But compare Acts iv. 36 and vi. 7.]
21 [In thus spiritualizing, the Fathers do not deny a literal sense also, as in "Aser," p. 166, infra; only they think that geography, history, etc., should pay tribute to a higher meaning.]
24 katk podaj, "quickly," " following close."
26 [An important bint that by "heel," in Gen. iii. 15, the "foot" is understood, by rhetorical figure.]
27 Ps. xliv. 17 (English, xiv. 16).
28 Gen. iii 15. [The rhetoric here puts the heel for the foot to emphasize the other part of the prophecy, i.e., the wounded heel coming down on the biter's head.]
39 The text is touto pantwj katagetai orqwj exein upeilhmmenon.
40 This passage, down to the word "inseparably," was transcribed by Isaac Vossius at Rome, and first edited by Grabe in the Annotations to Bull's Defens.fid. Nic., p. 103.
41 "God of God," Qeoj uparxwn dk Qeou. Hippolytus uses here the exact phrase of the Nicene Council. So, too, in his Contra Noetum, chap. x., he has the exact phrase, "light of light" (fwj ek fwtoj). [See my concluding remarks (note g) on the last chapters of the Phiulosophumena, p. 153, supra.]
42 The words from "and appeared" down to "so hereafter" are given by Grebe, but omitted in Fabricius.
49 o esxatoj. Sevenal manuscripts and versions and Fathers read; esxatojwith Hippolytus instead of prwtoj. Jerome in loc. remarks on the fact, and observes that with that reading the interprtation would be quite inteligible; the sense then being, that "the Jews understand the truth indeed, but evade it, and refuse to acknowledge What they perceive." Wetstein, in his New Test., i. p. 467, also cites this reading, and adds the conjecture, that "some, remembering what is said in Matt. xx. 16, viz, `the last shall be first, 0'thought that the `publican 0'would be called more properly `the last, 0'and that then some one carried out this emendation so far as to transpose the replies too."
52 Grabe adduces another fragment of the comments of Hippolytus on this passage, found in some leaves deciphered at Rome. It is to tis effect; Plainly and evidently the generation of the Only-begotten, which is at once from God the Father, and through the holy Virgin, is signified, even as He is belived and manifested to be a man. For being by nature and in truth the Son ofgod the Father, on our account He submitted to birth by woman and the womb, and sucked the breast. for He did not, as some fancy, become man only in appearance, but He manifested Himself as in reality that which we are who follow the laws of nature, and supported Himself by food, though Himself giving life to the world.
53 From the Second Book of the Res Sacraeof Leontius and Joannes, in Mai, Script. vet., vii. p. 84.
54 Jerome introduces this citation from the Commentary of Hippolytus on Genesis in these terms: "Since, then we promised to add what that (concerning Isaac and Rebecca, Gen. xxvii.) signifies figuratively, we may adduce the words of the martyr Hippolytus, with whom our Victorinus very much agrees: not that he has made out everything quite fully, but that he may give the reader the means for a broader understanding of the passage."
59 In Leontius Ryzant., book i. Against Nestorius and Eutyches (from Galland). The same fragment is found in Mai, Script. vet., vii. p. 134. [Galiand was a French Orientalist, a.d. 1646-1715.]
61 This word "man" agrees ill, not only with the text in Galatians, but even with the meaning of the writer here; for he is treating, not of a mediator between "two" men, but between "God and men." Migne.
63 A fragment from the tractate of Hippolytus, On the Sorceress (ventriloquist), or On Saul and the Witch, 1 Sam. xxviii. From the Vatican ms.. cccxxx, in Allat., De Engastr., edited by Simon, in the Acts of the Martyrs of Ostia, p. 160, Rome, 1795.
64 [Rather "god," the plural of excellence, Elohim.]
65 [This passage is the scandal of commentators. As I read it, the Lord interfered, surprising the woman and horrifying her. The soul of the prophet came back from Sheol, and prophesied by the power of God. Our author misunderstands the Hebrew plural.]
67 [i.e., Samuel prepares for the Christian era, introducing the "schools of the prophets," and the synagogue service, which God raised up David to complete, by furnshing the Psalter. Compare Acts iii. 24, where Samuel's position in the "goodlv fellowship" is marked. See Payne Smith's Prophecyy a Preparation for Christ.]
68 i.e., in our version the third. From Theodoret, Dialogue Second, entitled =Lougxutoj, p, 167.
69 Theodoret, in his First Dialogue.
71 Theodoret, in his First Dialogue.
73 Theodoret, in his Second Dialogue.
74 Bandini, Catalog. Codd. Graec. Biblioth. Mediceo-Laurent., i.p. 91.
78 Theodoret also, following Hippolytus, understood by "evil angels" here, not "demons," but the minsters of temporal punishment. See on Ps. lxxviii. 54, and on Jer. xlix. 14. So, too, others, as may be seen in Poli Synops., ii. col. 1113.
80 Mai, Bibliotheca nova Patrum, vii. ii. 71, Rome, 1854.
90 This is the Septuagint translation of ch. xxvii, 16.
94 Prov. vii. 22. The Hebrew word, rendered "straightway" in our version, is translated pfwqeij in the Septuagint, i.e., "ensnared like a cepphus." [Quasi agnus lasciviens,according to the Vulgate.]
95 [It the "cemphus" of the text equals "cepphus" of note, then "cepphus" equals "cebus" or "cepus," which equals khboj, a sort of monkey. The "Kophim" of 1 Kings x. 22 seems to supply the root of the word. The kepfoj, however, is said to be a sea-bird "driven about by every wind," so that it is equal to a fool. So used by Aristophanes.]
105 Other reading (fqonoj) = "envy."
106 [The place of torment (2 Pet. ii. 4). Vol. iv. 140.]
107 [Sheol, rather,-the receptacle of departed spirits. See vol. pp, 59 and 595; also vol. iv. p. 194.]
112 [The Authorized Version reads very differently; but our author follows the Sept., with which agrees the Vulgate.]
113 The reference probably is to Zech. vi. 12, where the word is rendered "Branch." The word in the text is antolh0.
117 xoirogrlloi, i.e., "grunting hogs."
118 askalabwthj, i.e., a "lizard."
119 Prov. xxx. 29, etc. [As in Vulgate.)
120 Prov. xxx. 29, etc. [As in Vulgate.)
121 Cf. xxvii. 22, the Septuagint rendering being: "Though thou shouldest disgrace and scourge a fool in the midst of the council, thou wilt not strip him of his folly." [What version did our author use?]
122 Cf. xxvii. 22, the Septuagint rendering being: "Though thou shouldest disgrace and scourge a fool in the midst of the council, thou wilt not strip him of his folly." [What version did our author use?]
124 Literally, "grunting hogs."
125 Ch. xxx. 21, etc. [As to version, see Burgon, Lett. from Rome, p, 34.]
127 [I omit here the suffix "Pope of Rome," for obvious reasons, He was papa of Portus at a time when all bishops were so called but this is a misleading absurdity, borrowed from the Galland ms.., where it could hardly have been placed earlier. A mere mediaeval blunder.]
130 Other reading, "hewn out."
132 Ps. xliv. 2; Rom. viii. 36.
133 Simon de Magistris, in his Acta Martyr. Ostiens., p. 274 adduces the following fragment in Latin and Syriac, from a Vatican' codex, and prefaces it with these words: Hippolytus wrote on the Song of Solomon, and showed that thus early did God the Word seek His pleasure in the Church gathered from among the Gentiles, and especially in His most holy mother the Virgin; and thus the Syrians, who boasted that the Virgin was born among them, translated the Commentary of Hippolytus at a very early period from the Greek into their own tongue, of which some fragments still remain, -as, for example, one to this effect on the above words.
135 adiakritoi, "mixed," or "dark."
137 In Gallandi, from Anastasius Sinai', quest. 41, p 320.
138 In Gallandi, from a codex of the Coislin Library, Num. 193, fol. 36.
139 [Here we have the blunder (noted supra, p. 175) repeated as to Rome, which must be here taken as meaning the Roman Province, not the See. The word"Bishop," which avoids the ambiguity above noted, I have therefore put into parenthesis.]
142 Theodoret, in his First Dialogue.]
143 The text is evidently corrupt: Kurion de ton Logon, nefelhn de koufhn to kaqarwtaton skhnoj, etc. The reference must be to ch.xix. I.
144 Hippolytus wrote on Isaiah with the view of making the most of the favourable disposition entertained by the Emperor Alexander Severus towards the Christians, and particularly on that part where the retrogression of the sun is recorded a:i .:i n of an extension of life to Hezekiah.
145 That Hippolytus wrote on Jeremiah is recorded, so far as I know, by none of the ancients; For the quotation given in the Catenaof Greek fathers on Jer. xvii. 11is taken from his book On Antichrist, chap. 1v. Rufinus mentions that Hippolytus wrote on a certain part of the prophet Ezekiel, viz., on those chapters which contain the description of the temple of Jerusalem; and of that commentary the following fragments are preserved.-De Magistris.
148 Simon de Margistris, Daniel secundum Septuaginta, from the Codex Chrisianus, Rome, 1772; and Mai, Script. vet. collectio nova, i. iii. ed. 1831, pp. 29-56.
149 Shallum. See 1 Chron. iii. 15.
151 2 Kings xxv. 27. Note the confusion between Jehoiakim and Jehoiachin in what follows.
153 Others trimhnion/= three months.
154 arximageiroj, "chief cook."
157 The same method o( explaining the two visions is also adopted by Jacobus Nisibenus, serm. v., and by his illustrious disciple Ephraem Syrus on Dan. vii. 4. [Let me again refer to Dr. Pusey's work an Daniel, as invaluable in this connection. The comments of our author on this book and on "the Antichrist," infra, deserve special attention, as from a disciple of the disciples of St. John himself.]
159 [True in A.D. 1885. A very pregnant testimony to our own times.]
160 This is what Photius condemned in Hippolytus. Irenaeus, however, held the same opinion (book v. c. 28 and 29). The same view is expressed yet earlier in the Epistle of Barnabas (sec. 15). It was an opinion adopted from the rabbis.
165 Migne thinks we should read diakosia triakonta, i.e., 230, as it is also in Julius Africanus, who was contemporary with Hippolytus. As to the duration of the Greek empire, Hippolytus and Africanus make it both 300 years, if we follow Jerome's version of the latter in his comment on Dan. ix. 24. Eusebius makes it seventy years longer in his Demonstr. Evag., viii. 2.
166 Literally, "a man of desires." [Our author plays on this word, as it' the desire o( knowledge were referred to. Our Authorized Version is better, and the rendering might be "a man of loves."]
172 Isa. lxi. 1 ; Luke iv. 18.
179 In the text, the word ewj,"until," is introduced, which seems spurious.
181 In the text, musthriwn(of" mysteries"), for which musthriwdwjor mustikwj, "mystically," is proposed.
182 The Latin translation renders: His body was perfect.
183 "Thares" (Qarseij) in Hippolytus. The Septuagint gives Qarsijas the translation of the Hebrew #$a#$dt
, rendered in our version as "beryl" (Dan. x. 6).
186 Ex. xxxii. 4, Ex. xxxiii. 3.
190 He seems to refer to Cleopatra, wife and niece of Physco. For Lathyrus was sometimes called Philometor in ridicule (epi xleuasma), as Pausanias says in the Attica.
191 He refers to Alexander I. king of Syria, of whom we read in 1 Macc. x. He pretended to be the son of Antiochus Epiphanes, and even gained a decree of the senate of Rome in his favour as such. Yet he was a person of unknown origin, as indeed he acknowledged himself in his choice of the designation Theopator. Livy calls him "a man unknown, and of uncertain parentage" (homo ignotus et incertae stirpis). So Hippolytus calls him here, "a certain Alexander" (tina).He had also other surnames, e.g., Euergetes, Balas, etc.
192 For "Antiochus" in the text, read "Demetrius."
197 The text gives o antikeimenojwhich is corrupt.
198 Mai, Script. vet. collectio nova, i. p. iii. pp. 29-55.
200 This book is not now extant, the first ten alone having reached our time.
203 The verses are numbered according to the Greek translation, which incorporates the apocryphal "song of the three holy children."
205 "By the most holy Hippolytus, (bishop) of Rome: The Exact Account o( the Times," etc. From Gallandi. This fragment seems to have belonged to the beginning or introduction to the commentary of Hippolytus on Daniel.
206 In Anstasius Sinaita, quaest. xlviii. p. 327.
208 From the Catena Patrum in Psalmos ct Cantica, vol. iii. ed. Corderianae, pp. 951, ad v, 87.
209 This apocryphal story of Susannah is found in the Greek texts of the LXX. and Theodotion, in the old Latin and Vulgate, and in the Syriac and Arabic versions. But there is no evidence that it ever formed part of the Hebrew, or of the original Syriac text. It is generally placed at the beginning of the book, as in the Greek mss.. and the old Latin, but is also sometimes set at the end, as in the Vulgate, ed. Compl.
213 Prov. i. 32 ; in our version given as, "The prosperity of fools shall destroy them."
216 That is, Daniel, present in the spirit of prophecy.-Combef.
220 Cotelerius reads olojinstead of o logoj, and so = and He is Himself the whole or universal eye.
221 De Magistris, Acta Martyrum Ostiens., p. 405.
222 He is giving his opinion on the epiousion/, i.e., the "daily bread."
223 Mai, Script. vet. collectio nova, vol ix. p. 645, Rome, 1837.
225 Pearson On the Creed, art. iv. p. 355.
226 These are edited in Arabic and Latin by Fabricius, Opp. Hippol., ii. 33. That these are spurious is now generally agreed. The translation is from the Latin version, which alone is given by Afigne.
227 See Tsemach David, and Maimon. Praefat. ad Seder Zeraim, in Pocockii Porta Moses, p. 36.
229 What follows was thus expressed probably in Syriac in some Syriac version.
230 Cavernam thesaurorum. [Cant. iv. 6, i.e., Paradise.]
231 Cavernam thesaurorum. [Cant. iv. 6, i.e., Paradise.]
236 See Fuller, Misc. Sacr., i. 4: and Bochart, Phaleg., p. 22.
237 [See p. 149, note 10, supra.]
238 That is the name the Mohammedans give to their Traditions.
239 Simon de Magistris, Acta Martyrum Ostiensium, Append., p.439.
240 That is an attempt to express in Greek letters the Hebrew title, viz., slht rp1
241 [See vol. iii. pp. 94, 103.]
242 Luke vii. 41. [Dan. viii. 13, (Margin.) "Palmoni," etc.]
244 i.e., in our version the 101st.
245 [See learned remarks of Pusey, p. 27 of his Lectures on Daniel.]
246 Isa. liii. 9. [Vol. i. cap. iv. p. 50.]
248 The Greek is: ontwn yalmwn, kai ouswn wdwn/, kai yalmwn wdhj, kai wdwn yalmou.
250 [Our author throws no great light on this vexed word, but the article Selah in Simith's Dict. of the Bible is truly valuable.]
251 De Magistris, Acta Martyrum Ostien., p. 256.
252 The allusion probably is to the seat of imperial power itself.
253 He is addressing his amanuensis, a man not without learning, as it seems. Hippolytus dictates these words.
1 Gallandi, Bibl. vet. Patr., ii. p. 417, Venice, 1765.
2 Perhaps the same Theophilus whom Methodius, a contemporary of Hippolytus, addresses as Epiphanius. [See vol. vi., this series.] From his introduction, too, it is clear that they are in error who take this book to be a homily. (Fabricius.)
3 In the text the reading is twn ontwn, for which twn wtwn = of the ears, is proposed by some, and anqrwpwn = of men, by others. In the manuscripts the abbreviation anwn is often found for anqrwpwn.
4 In the text we find wj piwn kaqara gh, for which grammar requires wj pioni kaqara gh. Combefisius proposes wsper oun kaqara gh = as in clean ground. Others would read wj puron, etc., = like a grain in clean ground.
6 This reading, paraklhsewn for marturwn (= witnesses), which is peculiar to Hippolytus alone, is all the more remarkable as so thoroughly suiting Paul's meaning in the passage.
9 The text reads atina = which. Gudius proposes tina = some.
10 The plectrum was the instrument with which the lyre was struck. The text is in confusion here. Combefisius corrects it, as we render it, ooganwn dikhn hnwmenon exontej en eautoij.
12 The text reads mh planw (= that I may not deceive). Some propose wj planoi = as deceivers.
13 This is according to the emendation of Combefisius. [And note this primitive theory of inspiration as illustrating the words, "who spake by the prophets," in the Nicene Symbol.]
15 In the text it is prokeimena (= things before us or proposed to us), for which Combefisius proposes, as in our rendering, proeirhmena.
17 Isa. xlii. 1; Matt. xii. 18. The text is auto palin o tou qeou pai. See Macarius, Dininitas D. N. S. C., book iv. ch. xiii. p. 460, and Grabe on Bull's Defens. fid. Nic., p. 101.
21 The text has wn = being, for which read hn = was.
22 micaj. Thomassin, De Incarnatione Verbi, iii. 5, cites the most distinguished of the Greek and Latin Fathers, who taught that a mingling ( commistio), without confusion indeed, but yet most thorough, of the two natures, is the bond and nexus of the personal unity.
23 [This analogy of weaving is powerfully employed by Gray (" Weave the warp, and weave the woof," etc.). See his Pindaric ode, The Bard.]
24 Rev. v. 5; [also Gen. xlix. 8. See below, 7, 8]
30 The text has toutou-proerxomenou, for which we read, with Combefisius, proerxomenon.
36 The text gives simply, thn tou agiou. etc., = the paternal voice of the Holy Ghost, etc. As this would seem to represent the Holy Ghost as the Father of Christ, Combefisius proposes, as in our rendering, kata thn dia tou agiou, etc. The wine, therefore, is taken as a figure of His deity, and the garment as a figure of His humanity; and the sense would be, that He has the latter imbued with the former in a way peculiar to Himself-even as the voice at the Jordan declared Him to be the Father's Son, not His Son by adoption, but His own Son, anointed as man with divinity itself.
37 The nations are compared to a robe about Christ, as something foreign to Himself, and deriving all their gifts from Him.
39 [See Irenaeus, vol. i. p. 559. Dan's name is excepted in Rev. vii., and this was always assigned as the reason. The learned Calmet ( sub voce Dan) makes a prudent reflection on this idea. The history given in Judg. xviii. is more to the purpose.]
44 Perhaps from an apocryphal book, as also below in ch. liv.
47 katakalumma; other reading, kataleimma = remains.
49 The text gives epagwgh. Combefisius prefers apagwgh = trial.
51 i.e., according to the reading, emporia. The text is empeiria = experience.
52 There is another reading, limouj (= famines) twn eqnwn.
55 Combefisius adds, "between the teeth of it; and they said thus to it, Arise, devour much flesh."
56 Combefisius inserted these words, because he thought that they must have been in the vision, as they occur subsequently in the explantation of the vision (v. 19).
60 See Curtius, x. 10. That Alexander himself divided his kingdom is asserted by Josephus Gorionides (iii.) and Cyril of Jerusalem ( Catech., 4, De Sacra Scriptura) and others.
61 For omwj = nevertheless, Gudius suggests wmoj = savage.
68 [Deserving of especial note. Who could have foreseen the universal spirit of democracy in this century save by the light of this prophecy? Comp. 2 Tim. iii. 1-3.]
71 For upo pollwn Combefisius has upo lawn = by peoples.
75 For plasaj Gudius proposes agiasaj (sanctified) or kalesaj(called).
79 For anacurison others read anakaluyai = uncover.
81 [Note this token, that, with all his prudence, he identifies "Babylon" with Rome.]
83 ta akaqarta, for the received akaqartothtoj.
84 kai parestai, for the received kaiper esti.
87 ekollhqhsan, for the received hkolouqhsan.
88 agorasei, for the received agorazei.
89 amwmon, omitted in the received text.
90 kai tragouj, omitted in the received text.
91 apwleto, for the received aphlqen.
92 ploutisantej, for the received plouthsantej.
93 piothtoj, for the received timiothtoj.
94 kai oi aggeloi, which the received omits.
96 diaqhsei = will make; others, dunamwsei = will confirm.
102 It was a common opinion among the Greeks, that the Baptist was Christ's forerunner also among the dead. See Leo Allatius, De libris Eccles. Graecorum, p. 303.
103 Or it may be, "Malachi, even the messenger." Aggelou is the reading restored by Combefisius instead of Aggaiou. The words of the angel in Luke i. 17 (" and the disobedient to the wisdom of the just ") are thus inserted in the citation from Malachi; and to that Hippolytus may refer in the addition "and the angel." Or perhaps, as Combefisius rather thinks, the addition simply refers to the meaning of the name Malachi, viz., messenger.
109 The text is simply kai ton met auton = the false prophet after him. Gudius and Combefisius propose as above, kai auton te kai ton met auton, or met autou = him and the false prophet with him.
110 pureia = censers, incense-pans, or sacrificial tripods.This offering of incense was a test very commonly proposed by the pagans to those whose religion they suspected.
111 [Not referred to as Scripture, but as authentic history.]
114 Teitan. Hippolytus here follows his master Irenaeus, who in his Contra Haeres., v. go, § 3, has the words," Titan...et antiquum et fide degnum et regale...nomen" = Titan... both an ancient and good and royal... name. [See this series, vol. i. p. 559.]
115 /Eanqaj, mentioned also by Irenaeus in the passage already referred to.
116 proefqhmen, the reading proposed by Fabricius instead of proefhmen.
118 [Let us imitate the wisdom of our author, whose modest commentary upon his master Irenaeus cannot be too much applauded. The mystery, however, does seem to turn upon something in the Latin race and its destiny.]
126 Quoted already in chap. xv. as from one of the prophets.
128 Reading apefhnato for apekrinato.
132 Mic. v. 5. The Septuagint reads auth = And (he) shall be the peace to it. Hippolytus follows the Hebrew, but makes the pronoun feminine, auth referring to the peace. Again Hippolytus reads orh = mountains, where the Septuagint has xwran = land, and where the Hebrew word = fortresses or palaces. [He must mean that "the Assyrian" = Antichrist. "The peace" is attributable only to the "Prince of peace." So the Fathers generally.]
137 Wordsworth, reading wj iston for wj ton, would add, like a mast. See his Commentary on Acts xxvii. 40.
138 kutoj, a conjecture of Combefisius for kuklon.
139 linon, proposed by the same for ploion, boat.
140 yhfaroi, a term of doubtful meaning. May it refer to the karxhsia?
141 The text reads here ainoumenoi, for which airoumenoi is proposed, or better, hwroumenoi.
147 [Concerning Antichrist, two advents, etc., see vol. iv. p. 219, this series]
149 Matt. xxiv. 15-22; Mark xiii. 14-20; Luke xxi. 20-23.
150 Dan. xi. 31, Dan. xii. 11, 122. The Hebrew has 1,335 as the number in the second verse.
151 Hippolytus reads here ep authj instead of ep auton, and makes the pronoun therefore refer to the coming.
157 The word ptwma, used in the Greek as = carcase, is thus interpreted by Hippolytus as = fall, which is its literal sense.
165 Eph. v. 14. Epiphanius and others suppose that the words thus cited by Paul are taken from the apocryphal writings of Jeremiah: others that they are a free version of Isa. lx. 1. [But their metrical form justifies the criticism that they are a quotation from a hymn of the Church, based, very likely, on the passage from Isaiah.]
172 [The immense value of these quotations, authenticating the Revelations and other Scriptures, must be apparent. Is not this treatise a vioce to our own times of vast significance?]
176 oikonomikwj. [The Fathers find Christ everywhere in Scripture, and often undersnnd the expressions of David to be those of our Lord's humanity, by economy.]
179 The text is outwj, for which read perhaps ote = when.
183 Wisd. ii. 14, 16, 17, 20. [The argument is ad hominem. The Jews valued this book, but did not account it to be Scripture; yet this quotation is a very remarkable comment on what ancient Jews understood concerning the Just One. Comp. Acts iii. 14, Acts vii. 52, and Acts xxii. 14.]
186 (Compare Justin, vol. i. p. 194; Clement, vol. ii. pp 334-343; Tertullian, vol. iii. p. 151; Origen, vol. iv. p. 402, etc.; and Cyprian, vol. v., this series.]
187 Hades, in the view of the ancients, was the general receptacle of souls after their separation from the body, where the good abode happily in a place of light ( fwteinw), and the evil all in a place of darkness ( skotiwterw). See Colomesii Keimhlia litteraria, 28, and Suicer on adhj. Hence Abraham's bosom and paradise were placed in Hades. See Olympiodorus on Eccles., iii. p, 264. The Macedonians, on the authority of Hugo Broughton, praying in the Lord's words, "Our Father who art in Hades" ( IIathr hmwn o en adh) (Fabricius). [Hippolytus is singular in assigning the ultimate receptacle of lost spirits to this Hades. But compare vol. iii. p. 428, and vol. iv. pp 293, 495, 541, etc.]
188 Cf. Constitut. Apostol., viii. 41.
190 Or it may be "seasonable," proskaroiuj.
191 tropwn. There is another reading, topwn = of the places.
192 [They do not pass into an intermediate purgatory, nor require prayers for "the repose of their souls."]
193 triboloj. [Also the Pindaric citation in my note, vol, i. 74.]
194 In the Parallela is inserted here the word epigelwntej, deriding them.
196 According to the reading in Parallela, which inserts canqhn = red.
197 The text reads kai ou, and where. But in Parallela it is kai outoi= and these see, etc. In the same we find wj mhte for kai touj dikaiouj.
198 [It would be hard to frame a system of belief concerning the state of the dead more entirely exclusive of purgatory, i e., a place where the souls of the faithful are detained till (by Masses and the like) they are relieved and admitted to glory, before the resurrection. See vol. iii. p. 706.]
199 metenswmatwn, in opposition to the dogma of metempsychosis.
201 The first of the two fragments in the Parallela, ends here.
202 [The text Eccles. xi. 3 may be accommodated to this truth, but seems to have no force as proof.]
203 The second fragment extant in the Parallela begins here.
205 [It is not the unrighteous, be it remembered, who go to "purgatory," according to the Trent theology, but only true Christians, dying in full communion with the Church. Hippolytus is here speaking of the ultimate doom of the wicked, but bears in mind the imagery of Luke xvi. 24 and the appeal to Abraham.)
206 The second fragment in the Parallela ends here.
209 Epiphanius remarks that they were but ten in number.
210 The following words are the words of the Symbolum, as it is extant in Irenaeus, i. 10, etc., and iii. 4; and in Tertullian, Contra Praxiam, ch. ii., and De Praescript., ch. xiii., and De virginibus velandis, ch. i. [See vol. iii,, this series.]
212 So also Epiphanius and Damascenus. But Philastrius, Heresy, 53, puts Elijah for Aaron: hic etiam dicebat se Moyscm esse, et fratrem suum Eliam prophetam.
214 Baruch iii. 35-58. [Based on Prov. viii., but so remarkable that Grotius presumptuously declared it an interpolation. It reflects canonical Scripture, but has no canonical value otherwise.]
217 kai autoij monokwla xrwmenoi, etc. The word monokwlaappears to be used advervially, instead oft monokwlwj and monotupwj, which are the terms employed by Epiphanius (p. 481) The meaning is, that the Noetians, in explaining the words of Scripture concerning Christ, looked only to one side of the question - namely, to the divine nature; just as Theodotus, on his part going to the opposite extreme, kept by the human nature exclusively, and held that Christ was a mere man. Besides others, the presbyter Timotheus, in Colelerii Monument, vol. iii. p. 389, mentions Theodotus in these terms: "They say that this Theodotus was the leader and father of the heresy of the Samosatan, having first alleged that Christ was a mere man." [See vol. iii, p. 654, this series.]
221 [Bull, Opp, v. pp. 367. 734, 704-743, 753-756.]
223 Turrian has the following note: "The Word of God constituted (operatum est) one Son to God; i.e., the Word of God effected, that He who was the one Son of God was also one Son of man, because as His hypostasis He assumed the flesh. For thus was the Word made flesh."
229 The word Israel is explained by Philo, De praemiis et poenis, p. 710, and elsewhere, as = a man seeing God, orwn qeon, i.e., l) d@)d #$y)
. So also in the Constitutiones Apostol., vii. 37, viii. 15; Eusebius, Praeparat., xi. 6, p. 519, and in many others. To the same class may be referred those who make Israel = oratikoj anhr kai qewrhtikoj, a man apt to see and speculate, as Eusebius, Praeparot., p. 310, or = nouj opwn qeon, as Optatus in the end of the second book; Didymus in Jerome, and Jerome himself in various passages; Maximus, i. p. 284; Olympiodorus on Ecclesiastes, ch. i.; Leontius, De Sectis, p. 392; Theophanes, Ceram. homil., iv. p. 22, etc. Justin Martyr, Dialog. cum Tryph.. [see vol. i. pp. 226, 262], adduces another etymology, anqrwpoj nikwn dunamin.
230 Hippolytus reads dihghsato for echghsato.
235 There is perhaps a play on the words here- Nohtoj mh nown.
236 i.e., the other thirty-one heresies, which Hippolytus had already attacked. From these words it is apparent also that this treatise was the closing portion of a book against the heresies (Fabricius).
237 [This emphatic testimony of our author to the sufficiency of the Scriptures is entirely in keeping with the entire system of the AnteNicene Fathers. Note our teeming indexes of Scripture texts.]
238 See, on this passage, Bull's Defens. Fid. Nic., sec. iii. cap. viii. § 2, p. 2l9.
240 alogoj, asofoj, adunatoj, abougeutoj.
241 On these words see Bossuet's explanation and defence, Avertiss., vi. § 68, sur les lettres de M. Furnien.
242 aoxhgon, kai sumboulon, kai ergathn.
243 The "begetting" of which Hippolytus speaks here is not the generation, properly so called, but that manifestation and bringing forth of the Word co-existing from eternity with the Father, which referred to the creation of the world. So at least Bull and Bossuet, as cited above; also Maranus, De Divinit. F. C., lib. iv. cap. xiii. § 3, p. 458.
244 fwj ek fwtoj. This phrase, adopted by the Nicene Fathers, occurs before their time not only here, but also in Justin Martyr, Tatian, and Athenagoras, as is noticed by Grabe, ad Irenaeum, lib. ii. c. xxiii. Methodius also, in his Homily on Simwon and Anna, p. 152, has the expression, su ei fwj alhqinon ek fwtoj alhqinou Qeoj alhqinoj ek Qeou alhqinon. Athanasius himself also uses the phrase luxnon ek luxnou, vol. i. p. 881, ed. Lips. [Illustratinq my remarks (p. v. of this volume), in the preface, as to the study of Nicene theology in Ante-Vicene authors].
246 Justin Martyr also says that the Son is eteron ti, something other, from the Father; and Tertullian affirms, Filium et Patrem esse aluid ab alio, with the same intent as Hippolytus here, viz., to express the distinction of persons. [See vol. i. pp. 170, 216, 263, and vol. iii. p. 604.]
251 John i. 1-3. Hippolytus evidently puts the full stop at the oude en, attaching the o gegonen to the following. So also Irenaeus, Clemens Alex., Origen, Theopbilus of Antioch, and Eusebius, in severa/ places; so, too, of the Latin Fathers-Tertullian, Lactantius, Victorinus, Augustine: and long after these, Honorius Augustoduneneis, in his De imagine Mundi. This punctuation was also adopted by the heretics Vilcntinus, Heracleon, Theodotus, and the Macedonians and Eunomians; and hence it is rejected by Epiphanius, ii. p. 80, and Chrysostoin. (Fabricius.)
254 uposthmati, foundation. Victor reads en th upostasei, in the substance, nature: Syrnmachus has en th omilia, in the fellowship.
257 to qelhma. Many of the patristic theologians called the Son the Father's boulhsij or qelhma. See the passages in Petavius, De S. S. Trinitate, lib. vi. c. 8,§ 21, and vii. 12, § 12. [Dubious.]9 From this passage it is clear that Hippolytus taught the doctrine of one God alone and three Persons. A little before, in the eighth chapter, he said that there is one God, according to substance or divine essence, which one substance is in three Persons; and that, according to disposition or economy, there are three Persons minifested. By the term economy, therefore, he understands, with Tertullian, adversus Praxcam. ch. iii., the number and disposition of the Trinity ( numerum et dispositionem Trinitatis). Here he also calls the grace of the Holy Spirit the third economy, but in the same way as Tertullian, who calls the Holy Spirit the third grade ( tertium grandum). For the terms gradus, forma, species, dispositio, and aeconimia mean the same in Tertuliian. (Maranus.) Another proof that the Nicene Creed was a collection of AnteNicene theologians.]
258 oikonomia sumfwniaj sunagetai eij ena Qeon, perhaps = the economy as being one of harmony, leads to one God.
259 This mode of speaking of the Father's commanding, and the Son's obeying, was used without any offence, not only by Iranaeus, Hippolytus, Origen, and others before the Council of Nicaea, but also after that council by the keenest opponents of the Arian heresy -Athanasius, Basil, Marius Victorinus, Hilary, Prosper, and other. See Petavius, De Trin., i. 7, § 7; and Bull, Defens Fid. Nic., pp. 138, 164, 167, 170. (Fabricius.)
261 Referring probably to Eph. iv. 6.
262 The Christian doctrine, Maranus remarks, could not be set forth more accurately; for he contends not only that the number of Persons in no manner detracts from the unity of God, but that the unity of God itself can neither consist nor be adored without this number of Persons.
263 This is said probably with reference to Peter's denial.
265 Triadoj. [See Theophilus, vol. ii. p. 101, note.]
266 all= allwj allhgorei. The words in Italics are given only in the Latin. They may have dropped from the Greek text. At any rate, some such addition seems necessary for the sense.
268 Mic. ii. 7, 8. docan: In the present text of the Septuagint it is doran, skin.
269 Hippolytus omits the words dia thj sarkoj and kai peri amartiaj, and reads fanerwqh for plhrwqh.
270 on Uion proshgoreue dia to mellein auto/ genesqai.
271 Hippolytus thus gives more definite expression to this temporality of the Sonship, as Dorner remarks, than even Tertullian. See Dorner's Doctrine of the Person of Christ (T. & T. Clark), div. i. vol. ii. p. 88, etc. [Pearson On the Creed, art. ii. p. 199 et seqq. The patristic citations are sufficient, and Hippolytus may be harmonized with them.]
273 "Sustasij," says Dornery "be it observed, is not yet equiva1ent to personality. The sense is, it had its subsistence in the Logos; He was the connective and vehicular force. This is thoroughly unobjectionable. He does not thus necessarily pronounce the humanity of Christ impersonal; although in view of what has preceded, and what remains to be adduced, there can be no doubt [?] that Hippolytus would have defende the impersonality, had the question been agitated at the period at which he lived." See Dorner, as above, i. 95. [But compare Burton, Testimonies of the Ante-Nicene Father, etc., pp. 60-87, where Tertullian and Hippolytus speak for themselves. Note also what he says of the latter, and his variations of expression, p. 87.]
275 Reading echlqon. The Latin interpreter seems to read ecelqon= what is this that came forth.
276 pneuma. The divine in Christ is thus designated in the AnteNicene Fathers generally. See Grotius on Mark ii. 8: and for a full history of the term in this use, Dorner's Person of Christ, i. p. 390, etc. (Clark).
277 thn peri touton oikonomian.
278 thn tou dhmiourghsantoj empeiron kai anekdihghtou texnhn.
279 i.e., Matthew and Luke in their Gospels.
282 [A noble aphorism. See Shedd, Hist. of Theol., i. pp. 300, 301, and tribute to Peareon, p. 319, note. The loving spirit of Auberlen, on the defeat of rationalism, may he noted with profit in his Dz'vsae Revelations, translation, Clark's ed., 1867.]
286 [The sublimity of this concluding chapter marks our author's place among the most eloquent of Ante-Nicene Fathers.]
287 The following passage agrees almost word for word with what is cited as from the Memoria haeresium of Hippolytus by Gelasius, in the De duabus naturis Christi, vol. viii. Bibl. Patr., edit. Lugd. p. yo4. [Compare St. Ignatius, vol. i. cap. vii. p. gcepn~) see Jacobson, ii. p. 278.]
289 ieratenomnoj, referring to John xi. 51, 52.
293 Matt. xvii. 5. [It may be convenient for some to turn to the Oxford translation of Bishop Bull's Defensio, part i, pp, l93-216, where Tertullian and Hippolytus are nobly vindicated on Nicene grounds. The notes are also valuable.]
294 Matt. xxvii. 29 stefanoutai kata diabolon, [i.e., with thorns].
295 [Hippolytus confirms Tertullian's testimony. Compare vol. iii. pp. 35 and 58.]
296 kata stoixion. The Latin title in the version of Anastasius renders it "ex sermone qui est per elementum."
298 For Hlikoj the Codex Regius et Colbertiaus of Nicephorus prefers "Hlikiwno". Fabricius conjectures that we should read hlikiwtw airetikwn, so that the title would be, Against Beron and his fellow-heretics. [N.B. Beron = Vero.]
300 toij ekasta fusikoij diecagomena nomoij. Anastasius makes it naturalibus producta legibus; Capperonnier, suis quaeque legibus temperata vel ordinata.
301 troph gar tou kata fusin apeirou, kineisqai mh pefukotoj, h kinhsij; or may the sense be, "for a change in that which is in its nature infinite would just be the moving of that which is incapable of movement!"
302 mhd eni pantelwj o tauton edti tw IIatri genomenoj tauton th sarki dia thn kenwsin. Thus in effect Combefisius, correcting the Latin version of Anastasius. Baunius adopts the reading in the Greek Codex Nicephori, viz., enwsin for kenwsin, and renders it, "In nothing was the Word, who is the same with the Father, made the same with the flesh through the union: " nulla re Verbum quod idem est cum Patre factum est idem cum carne propter unionem.
303 dixa sarkoj, i.e. what He was before assuming the flesh, that He continued to be in Himself, viz., independent of limitation.
305 Or existence, uparcin. Anastasius makes it substantia.
309 kata sugkrisin. Migne follows Capperonnier in taking sugkrisij in this passage to mean not "comparison" or "relation," but "commixture," the "concretion and commixture" of the divine and human, which was the error of Apollinaris and Eutyches in their doctrine of the incarnation, and which had been already refuted by Tertullian, Contra Prexeam, c. xxvii.
310 Or, "for that would be to speak of the same being as greater and less than Himself."
314 oud wsper thhj autou qeorhtoj outw kai authj fusikwj ekfuomenhn.
317 Referring probably to Eph. i. 10.
321 The text is, dia twn anomoiwn men uparxonta. Anastasius reads mh for men.
325 Kata sullhyin panta perigrafousan noun.
326 oute mhn eij t auton autw feresqai fusewj pote kai fusikhj energeiaj, ewj an ekateron thj idiaj entoj menei fusikhj atreyiaj. To feresqai we supply again pefuke.
328 The sense is extremely doubtful here. The text runs thus: omofuwn gar monwn h tautourgoj esti kinhsij shmainousa thn ousian, hj fudikh kaqesthke dunamij, eterofuouj idiothtoj ousiaj dinai kat oudena logon, h genesqai dxa trophj dunamenhn. Anasnsius renders it: Connaturalium enim tantum per se operans est notus, manifestans substantiam, cujus naturalem constat esse virtutern: diversae naturae proprietatis substantia nulla natura: esse vel fieri sine convertibilitate valente.
329 ditthn kai diafopan exon diegnwstai thn en pasi fusikhn qewrian.
330 The text goes, ewj an oux, which is adopted by Combefisius. But Capperonnier and Migne read oun for oux, as we have rendered it.
333 genesqai tautourgon th qeothti.
338 sugkexumenwn/. [Vol. iii. p. 623].
341 tetraj, i.e., instead of Trinity [the Triaj].
342 metaptwsij. [Compare the Athanasian Confession].
345 thj idiaj fusewj ousiwdh logon.
350 fusikhj ecw gegonwj isothtoj kai tautothtoj.
360 to kat amfw fusikwj analloiwton.
362 enanqrwphsewj. [See Athanasian Creed, in Dutch Hymnal.]
366 monhj thj twn omofuwn proswpwn omofuouj tautothtoj.
369 poluphghtou twn astrwn mousiou.
372 Ps. cxlviii. 4.[Pindar ( =Ariston men udwr, Olymp., i. x), is expounded and then transcended.]
385 ou parqenian esteirwsa. So Gregory Thaumaturgus, Sancta Theophania, p. 106, edit. Vossii: "Thou, when born of the Virgin Mary,... didst not loose her virginity; but didst preserve it, and gifted her with the name of mother."
391 It was a common opinion among the ancient theologians that the devil was ignorant of the mystery of the economy, founding on such passages as Matt. iv. 3, 1 Cor. ii. 8. (Fabricius.) [See Ignatius, vol. i. p. 57 this series.]
400 fwj aulon genna fwj aproston. The Son is called "Light of Light" in the Discourse against Noetus, ch. x. [See p. 227 supra.] In fwj aprositon the reference is to 1 Tim. vi. 16.
401 epefanh ouk efanh. See Dorner's Doctrine of the Person of Christ, div. i. vol. ii. p. 97 (Clark).
403 Luke ix. 5. [Compare the Paradoxes, attributed to Racon, in his Works, vol. xiv p. 143; also the Appendix, pp. 139-142.]
404 rapizomenoj, referring to the slap in the process of manumitting slaves.
406 Matt. xxvi. 67. [From which proceeds His Church.]
407 That is, the sin introduced by Eve, who was formed by God out of Adam's side. (Fabricius.)
408 estai kai Qeoj, referring probably to 1 Pet. i. 4, ina dia toutwn genhsqe qeiaj koinwnoi fusewj, "that by these ye might be partakers of the divine nature." [See vol. iii. p. 317, note 11. Tertullian anticipates the languge of the "Athanasian Confession,"-"taking the manhood into God; " applicable, through Christ, to our redeemed humanity. Eph. ii. 6.; Rev. iii. 21.]
422 This seems to refer to what the poets sing as to the sun rising out of the waves of ocean. (Fabricius.) [Note, this is not said of such as Simon Magus, but of one who puts off the bondage, i.e., of corruption. Our author's perorations are habitually sublime.]
423 From a Discourse on the Resurrection, in Anastasius Sinaita, Hodegus, p 350. This treatise is mentioned in the list of his works given on the statue, and also by Jerome, Sophronius, Nicephorus, Honorius, etc.
427 From the Discourse on the Theology or the Doctrine of Christ's Divine Nature, extant in the Acts of the Lateran Council, under Martinus 1., ann. 649, secret. v. p. 287, vol. vii. edit. Veneto-Labb.
431 From a Homily on the Lord's Paschal Supper, ibid., p. 293.
436 From a Discourse on Elkanah and Hannah. In Theodoret, Dial. I., bearing the title "Unchangeable" ( atreptoj); Works, vol. iv. p. 36.
437 From the same Discourse. From Theodoret's Second Dialogue, bearing the title "Unmixed," asugxutoj; Works, vol. iv. p. 88.
439 Man's nature was never before in heaven. John iii. 13; Acts ii. 34.
440 From an Oration on "The Lord is my Shepherd." In Theodoret, Dial. I. p. 36.
442 From a Discourse on the "Great Song" [i.e., Ps. xc. See Bunsen, i. p. 285. Some suppose it Ps. cxix.] In Theodoret, Dial. II. pp. 88, 89.
443 ton katw eij ta anw. [See p. 238, note 17, supra.]
444 From a Discourse on the beginning of Isaiah. In Theodoret, Dial. I. p. 36.
445 From a second Oration on Daniel. In the tractate of Eustratius, a presbyter of the Church of Constantinople, "Against those who allege that souls, as soon as they are released from the body, cease to act," ch. xix., as edited by Allatius in his work on the Continuous Harmony of the Westren and the Eastern Church on the Dogma of Purgatory, p. 492. [Conf. Macaire, Theol. Orthod., ii, p. 725.]
446 [Nothing of this in the hymn: hence my brackets.]
447 From an Oration on the Distribution of Talents. In Theodoret, Dial. II. p. 88.
448 From a Discourse on "The two Robbers." In Theodoret's Third Dialogue, bearing the title "Impassible" ( apaqhj), p. 156.
449 Preserved by the author of the Chronicon Paschale, ex ed. Cangii, p. 6.
450 i.e., the opponent of Hippolytus, one of the forerunners of the Quartodecimans.
451 [For pro & con see Speaker's Com., note to Matt. xxvi.]
453 From a Letter of Hippolytus to a certain queen. In Theodoret's Dial. II., bearing the title "Unmixed" ( asugxutoj). and Dial. III., entitled "Impassible" ( apaqhj) [pp. 238-239 Suprs].
454 On the question as to who this queen was, see Stephen le Moyne, in notes to the Varia Sacra, pp. 1103, 1112. In the marble monument mention is made of a letter of Hippolytus to Severina. [Bunsen decides that she was only a princess, a daughter of Alexander Severus. See his Hippolitus, i. p. 276.]
457 John xx. 27; Luke xxiv. 39.
458 Extract in Palladius, Hist.
459 Nicephorus also mentions her in his Hist. Eccl., vii. 13.
460 [On the morality of this see vol. ii. pp. 538, 556.]
461 From the same, chap. cxlix.
462 Nicephorus gives this story also, Hist. Eccl., vii. 13.
1 This discourse seems to have been a homily addressed to the people. Fabricius, Works of Hippolylus, vol, ii.
3 gegonota. Codex Baroccianus gives eurhkota.
5 Others, tou uiou tou Qeon, of the Son of God.
6 qeotokou. [The epithet applied to the Blessed Virgin by the "Council of Ephesus," against Nestorius, A.D. 431. Elucidation, p. 259. This is one of those terms which some allege not to have been yet in use in the time of Hippolytus. But, as Migne observes, if there were no other argument than this against the genuineness of this discourse, this would not avail much, as the term is certainly used by Origen, Metbodius, and Dionysius Alex., who were nearly coeval with Hippolytus.
12 kathgkonoulisete in the text, for which read katekondulisate.
14 Manuscript E gives the better reading, logon apanta toij twn profhtwn rhmasi, "our whole argument on the words of the prophets."
15 di ouk edoqh. Manuscript B omits ai = and it was not put into their mouth.
16 The text reads hgiasan. Manuscript B reads hggisan. Migne suggests hgeiran.
19 For thn proj allahlouj anastrofhn, Codex B reads diastrofhn kai fqoran.
20 For anupotakton diaqesin, Codex B reads atacian unruliness, and adds, kai geneij ta tekna mishsousi, kai tekna toij goneutin epiballontai xeiraj, "and parents shall hate their children and children lay hands on their parents."
21 For eij touj doulouj apanqrwpoi auqenthsontai, Codex B reads, proj touj doulouj apanqrwpian kthsontai.
22 For exqrou, Codex B reads, diabolon, the devil.
23 This does not agree with the age of Hippolytus.
24 peri anqrwpwn, which is the reading of Codex B, instead of apo anqrwpwn.
25 ametroi, the reading of Codex B instead of anemoi.
26 The text is, apo yuxwn kai apwleiaj anqrwpwn. We may suggest some such correction as apoyuxontwn kat apwleiaj anqrwpwn = "men's hearts failing them concerning the destruction."
27 diaforoi. Better with B, adiaforoi = promiscuous, without distinction, and so perhaps continuous or unreasonable.
30 qehgoroi. Codex B gives qeologoi.
38 oi afobwj eautouj poimainontej, instead of the received os apodiorizntej eautouj.
43 Unchanggeable, aparatropon.
45 These words, kai oi onuxej autou xalkoi, are strange both to the Greek and the Hebrew text of Daniel.
47 See Hippolytus on Antichrist, ch. xxiv. p. 209, supra.
59 After Irenaeus, book v. ch. xxx. [vol. i. p. 559, this series], many of the ancients express this opinion. See too Bellarmine, De Pontifice Roni., iii. 12.
62 fwnhn ocuthtoj. There is another reading, spoudhn = haste.
63 xremetismou. [Conf. p. 207, supra.]
66 Or, the theologian. The Apocalypse (xi. 3) mentions only two witnesses, who are understood by the ancients in general as Enoch and Elias. The author of the Chronicon Paschale, p. 21, on Enoch, says: "This is he who, along with Elias, is to withstand Antichrist in the last days, and to confute his deceit, according to the tradition of the Church." This addition as to the return of John the Evangelist is somewhat more uncommon. And yet Ephriem of Antioch, in Photius, cod. ccxxix., states that this too is supported by ancient, ecclesiastical tradition, Christ's saying in John xxi. 22 being understood to that effect. See also Hippolytus, De Antichristo, ch. l. p. 213, supra.-Migne. [Enoch and Elias are not dead. But see Heb. ix. 27.]
67 Dan. ix. 27. ( Note our author's adoption of the plan of a year for a day, Ezek. iv. 6. See Pusey, Daniel, p. 165.]
69 Rev. xi. 6; [ 1 Kings xvii. 1; Ecclus. xlviii. 3].
70 para tou diabolou, [That is, by the devil.]
71 anafanen. But Cod. B reads anafuen.
72 anomiaj. Cod. B gives apwleiaj, perdition: and for mellei = is to, it reads qelei = wishes. [ 2 Thess. ii. 3, 4-8.]
73 God. B gives aeiparqenou, ever-virgin.
74 en planh. Cod, B reads akribwj, exactly. Many of tbe ancients hold that AntiChrist will be a demon in human figure. See Augustine, Sulpicius Severus, in Dialogue II., and Philippus Dioptra, iii. 11, etc.
75 fantastikhn thj sarkoj autou ousian.
77 Cod. B reads thn qeotokon egnwmen sarkikwj kai aplanwj, instead of the text, sarkoforon aplanwj, etc. [ Conf. vol. iii. p. 523.]
78 Ex. xxxiv. 19; Num. viii. 16; Luke ii. 23.
82 Dan. ix. 27, [The anomia which more and more prevail. in our age in all nations, makes all this very significant to us, of "the last days."]
85 arnoumai. But these letters of the word arnoumai in their numerical value will not give the number 666 unless it is written arnoume. See Haymo on the Apocalypse, book iv.
86 The text is in confusion: epeidh kaiprwhn dia twn uphretwn autou o antidikoj exqroj h goun twn eidwlolatrwn, toij martusi tou Xristou proetrepon oi anomoi, etc.
87 antidikoj. In B, planoj = deceiver.
88 B reads ton kosmon, the world.
90 [Note this. The faithful are to have the Holy Scriptures in their hand. But this has been condemned by repeated bulls and anathemas of Roman pontiffs: e.g.,by Clement XI., A.D. 1713:and no Bible in the vulgar tongue ever appeared in Rome till A.D. 1870, on the overthrow of the papal kingdom.]
92 [The reference is to Mal. i. II, and incenseis expounded spiritually by the Ante-Nicene Fathers generally See Irenaeus, vol. i. p. 574, Tertullian, iii. p. 346 and passim.]
94 [The public reading of Scripture-lessons is implied, Acts xv. 21. See Hooker, Eccl. Pol., book v. cap. xix.]
95 paqwn. B reads pagidwn, snares.
99 See Jo. Voss, These Theolog., p. 228. [And compare, concerning Constantine's vision, Robertson and his notes, Hist., vol. i. p. 186, and newman's characteristic argument in his Essay on Miracles, prefixed to the third volume of his Fleury, pp. 133-143.]
102 polloi, (or the received oi nekroi.
110 diefqeiran. B reads ekrazan.
113 The text gives enqumhqei te, for which B reads enqumeitai.
118 Zech. xii. 10 ; John xix. 37.
120 [All this is m the manner of Hippolytus; and here is a striking testimony to a daily Eucharist, if this be genuine.]
121 kekallwpistai. [Isa. xxxiii. 17.]
133 Isa. lxiv. 4 ; 1 Cor. ii. 9.
135 Tossings, metewrismuouj. ["Tossings," etc. Does it refer to the somersaults of harlequins?]
141 [Here follows the text, Apoc. ii. 10, transposed above.]
143 [The general tradition is, that he was flayed alive, and then crucified.]
144 [See Scrivener, Introduction, p. 282, note I, and Lardner, Credib., ii. 494, etc.]
145 Margoij. Combefisius proposes Mardoij. Jerome has "Magis."
146 The text is elakhdh elogxiasqh, elakhdh being probably for elath.
147 Kalamhnh. Steph. le Moyne reads Karamhnh.
150 In the Codex Baroccian. 206. This is found also, alon with the former piece, On the Twelve Apostles, in two codices of the Coislinian or Seguierian Library, as Montfaucon states in his recension of the Greek manuscripts of that library. He mentions also a third codex of Hippolytus, On the Twelve Apostles. (Probably spurious, but yet antique.]
153 The text is, outoi oi B twn o tugxanontwn diaskorpisqentwn. It may be meant for, "these two of the seventy were scattered," etc.
155 euaggelizesqai, perhaps = writeof that Gospel, as the Latin version puts it. [But St. Mark's body is said to bein Venice.]
158 In the manuscript there is a cunahere.
159 These were first published in French by Jo. Michael Wanslebius in his book Ecclesia Alexandrina Paris, 1677, p. 12; then in Latin, by Job Ludolfus, in his Commentar. ad historiam Aethiopicam, Frankfort, 1691, p. 333; and by William Whiston, in vol. iii. of his Primitive Christianity Revived, published in English at London, 1711. p. 543. He has also noted the passages in the Constitutions Apostolicae, treating the same: matters.
160 Constit. Apostol., lib. vi. ch. II, etc.
162 Lib. vii. ch. 4, 5, 10. [The service of the faithful, Missa Fidelium, not the modern Mass. See Bingham, book xv. The Missawas an innocent word for the dismissionof those not about to receive the Communion. See Guettee, Exposition, etc., p. 433.]
163 Lib. viii. ch. 17, 18, 19, 20, 23, 45.
182 Lib. iii. ch. 19, viii. ch. 34.
190 Lib iv. ch. 14, viii. ch. 41-44.
194 Or offerings. Lib. ii. ch. 25.
195 [Synaxis. Elucidation II.]
196 Lib. vii. ch. 29, viil. 3O, 31. (See the whole history of ecclesiastical antiquity, on this point, in the learned work of Wharton B. Marriott, Vestiarium Christianum, London, Rivingtons, 1868.]
197 Lib. viii. ch. 12, v. ch. 19.
198 De Magistris, Acta Martyrum ad Ostia Tiberina, Rome, 1795 fol. Append., pl 478. [Bunsen, vol. ii. p. 302.]
199 [Ad proferendum sancte. A very primitive token.]
200 [Note this mild excommunication of primitive ages.]
201 Ordinatio missae. [Missa. See note 6, p, 256, supra.]
203 Sanctuary [Guettee, p. 424 Within the chancel-rails]
204 [ Bells first used in the fourth century by Paulinus in Campania.]
205 And of the preparing a table for the poor.
206 [A very strange title in many respects. But see p, 239, supra.]
207 1Leighton, Works, edited by West, of Nairn, vol. vi. p. 243, note. London, Longmans, 1870.
208 21 Cor. xi. 29-34. Chyrstom evidently has in view the apostle's argument, based on the Communion as a Synaxis, and not on its hierurgic aspects.
209 3Mendham's Literary Policy of the Church of Rome (passim), and also the old work of James, On the Corruption of Scripture, Councils, and Fathers, a new edition. London: Parker, 1843.
1 Eph. iv, 16; 1 Cor. xii. 12-30. I have little doubt that our author's theory was guided by his conceptions of this passage, and by Ignatian traditions.
3 See Guettee's Exposition, p, 93.
4 Of which, hereafter, in an elucidation. See Guettee, p. 383.
5 P. 368, vol. i. Edin. edition.
6 Mlilman's History of Christianity, vol, ii. p. 190, note b. See note, p. 266.
1 [Here put for the chief in the sacerdocy. See p. 268, infra.]
2 [St. Luke xx. 35. Creature-meritis not implied, but, through grace, the desert of Matt. xxv. 21.]
5 [A proselte rather, known in legends as Indich. Vol. i. p. 433.]
7 [See above note I,this page.]
8 [The charismataa of a higher ministry.]
9 [Nor does it make any one so. But the Fathers seem to have thought it made good men more humble.]
10 [This heathen word thus comes into use as applicable to all bishops. It was used derisively by Tertullian, vol. iv. p. 74.]
11 [Pontius is said to have followed his beloved bishop, a.d.. 258 dying a martyr.]
12 [See Origen, "weeks of years," vol. iv. p. 353.]
13 That is, Providence ensured the respite, to fulfil the promise.
14 [See note at end of this memoir ]
15 [He was the first of the province, that is. See p 273, supra.]
16 The simple attire of Hippolytus, as seen in his statue. was doubtless what is here meant by insignia. But see Hermas, vol. ii. p. 12.]
1 In the Oxford edition this epistle is given among the treatises.
2 Wearying, scil. "fatigantis."
3 " Fabulis." [Our "Thanksgiving Day " = the "Vindemia."]
4 [A lover of' gardens and of nature. The religion of Christ gave a new and loftier impulse to such tastes universally. Vol, ii. p. 0.]
5 [Another Nicodemus, John iii.]
7 [Alas, that in the modern theatre and opera all this has been reproduced, and Christians applaud! ]
9 [Compare Tertullian, vol. iii. pp. 87 et seqq.]
10 f Rom. i. 26, 27. The enormous extent of this diabolical form of lust is implied in all these patristic rebukes.]
12 [Confirmed by all the Roman satirists, as will be recalled by the reader. Conf. Horace, Sat.,vi. book i.]
13 [What a testimony to regeneration! Cyprian speaks from heathen experience, then from the experience of a new birth. Few specimens of simple eloquence surpass this.]
14 [See Cowper, on "the Sabine bard", Task, b. iv. But compare even the best of Horatian epistles with this: "O noctes coenaeque Deum," etc. What a blessed contra.it in Christian society!]
15 [Here recall the Evening Hymn, vol. ii. p. 298.]
2 Papam. [The Roman clergy give this title to Cyprian.]
3 This exercise of jurisdiction, vice episcopi, is to be noted.)
7 This is a very obscure passage, and is variously understood. It seems most probable that the allusion is to Peter's denial of his Lord, and following Him afar off; and is intended to bear upon Cyprian's retirement. There seems no meaning in interpreting the passage a. a reference to Peter's death. [It seems. in a slight degree, to reflect on Cyprian's withdrawal. But note, it asserts that the pasce oves measwas a reproach to St. Peter, and was understood to be so by his fellow-apostles. In other words, our Lord, so these clergy argue, bade St. Peter not again to forsake the brethren whom he should strengthen. Luke xxii. 32.]
8 That is to say, "to the Capitol to sacrifice."
10 i.e., as to the implied promise of their preparation for baptism.
2 Fabian, bishop of Rome. [Cyprian's "colleague," but their bishop. See Greek of Philip. ii. 25,. He is an example to his brethren: such the simple position of a primitive Bishop of Rome.]
3 The foregoing letter, Ep. ii.
2 Scil. Carthage, where the populace had already demanded Cyprian's blood.
3 " Qui illic apud confessores offerunt," scil. "the oblation" (prosfora, Rom. xv. 16), i.e., "who celebrate the Eucharist."
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. xiv. A.D. 250.
2 It is thought that Cyprian here speaks of an order of men called "Parabolani," who systematically devoted themselves to the service of the sick and poor and imprisoned. [Acts iv. 6 , oi newteroi.]
3 Ecclus. xi. 28. [Conf. Solon, Herod., i. 86.]
6 John xiii. 14, 15. [The parabolaniwere so called circaA.D. 415.]
9 [Strange, indeed, that such should be found amid the persecuted sheep of Christ; but it illustrates the history of Callistus at Rome, and the possibility of such characters enlisting in the Churcb.]
10 [" Whence hath it tares?" Ans.: "An enemy hath done this." See Matt. xiii. 27; Acts xx. 29-31.]
11 [Elucidation 11. This was the canonical duty neglected by Callistus and his predecessor, who "imagined," etc. See p. 156, supra.]
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. xiii. [Rogatian was a bishop afterwards.]
2 A beautiful aphorism. See below, note 8, this page.]
9 [The shameof the Church is the shameof the bishop. See above, note I; also 1 Tim. v. 22.]
10 Either as criminals having returned from banishment without authority, or as having committed some crime for which they became amenable to punishment. See 1 Pet. iv. 15: "But let none of you suffer as a murderer, or as a thief, or as an evil-doer."
11 Rom. xi. 20, 21. [How significant this warning to Rome!]
16 " Illustrata." The Oxford translation has "bathed in light."
17 [That is, i( they have night actually committed the great sin themselves, yet, etc. See vol. ii. p. 57.]
20 Gal. v. 15. [See note 9, infra.]
21 The following is found only in one ms.. Its genuineness is there fore doubted by some: "And although I have most fully written to our clergy, both lately when you were still kept in prison, and now also a sin, to supply whatever was needful, either for your clothing or for your food, yet I myself have also sent you from the small meanof my own which I had with me, 250 pieces: and another,o I had also sent before. Victor also, who from a reader has become a dea-, con, and is with me, sent you 175. But I rejoice when I know that very many of our brethren of their love are striving with each other, and are aiding your necessities with their contributions."
1 Oxford ed.; Ep. xi. A.D. 250.
2 [Compare, in former letters, similar complaints, to which brie[ notes are subjoined. And mark the honest simplicity o( these confessions. 2 Peter ii. 13, 14, 15.]
8 [A comment on Luke xviii. 3, compared with Matt. xviii. 19. Importunity necessary, even in the latter case.]
9 Ps. lxviii. 6. [Vulgate and Anglican Psaker version.]
13 [After the manner of Hermas. Vol. ii. p.24, note 2.]
19 [A vision granted to the pastor in behalf of his flock. See Vulgate version of Ps. lxxxix. 19, which Cyprian's, doubtless, antics-p ated.] This prediction of settled timeswas published in unsettled ones; and it was fulfilled by the sudden and unexpected death of Decius, in his expedition against the Goths.
22 [Saying, "our Father," not "my Father." Vol. i. p. 62.]
1 Oxford ed.; Ep. x. A.D. 250.
3 [There is in the church of S. Stefano Rotondo at Rome a series of delineations of the sufferings of the early martyrs, poorly executed, and too horrible to contemplate; but it all answers to these words of our author. See Ep. xxxiv.infra.]
6 Isa. vii. 13 ; videLam. iii. 26.
10 [He contemplates the peace promised in Ep. viii. supra. But note the indomitable spirit with which, for successive ages, the Church supplied her martyrs. Heb. xi. 36, 37.]
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. xvi. A.D. 250.
2 In letter ii. we have noted a limited exercise of jurisdiction: the canons seem not to have allowed them the full powers these preabyters had used.]
8 [Compare Tertullian, Ad Martyras, vol. iii. p. 693.]
9 [Note this persuasion of Cyprian, and compare St. Matt. xxi. 15, 16; Luke xix. 40.]
10 [Celebrating the Lard's Supper; Rom. xv. 16 (Greek) compared with Mal. i. 11, texts which seem greatly to have influenced the language of the early Church.]
1 Oxford ed.: Ep, xv. A.D, 250.
2 That these were everywhere soliciting the martyrs, and were also corrupting the confessors with importunate and excessive entreaty, so that, without any distinction or examination of tbe individuals, thousands of certificates were given, against the Gospel law, I wrote letters in which I recalled by my advice as much as possible the martyrs and confessor' to the Lord's commands.
3 [Another instance of this word as applied to the bishop, kat= ecoxhn. So in St. Chrysostom, De Sacerdotio= episcopatu.]
5 [He refers to his comprovincials, not arrogating all authority to himself. See Hippolytus, p. 125, note 2, supra.]
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. xvii. A.D. 250.
2 [The faithful laity. A technical expression, in the original.]
5 [Here is a recognition of the laity as contributing to the decisive action. 1 Cor. v. 4.]
6 [Elucidation III.; also Ignatius, vol. i. p. 69.]
1 Oxford ed.: Ep, xviii. A.D. 250.
2 "Concerning this also I wrote twice to the clergy, and commanded it to be rend to them, that for the mitigation of their violence in any manner for the meantime, if any who had received a certificate I (from the martyrs were departing from this life, having made confession and received the hands imposed upon them for repentance, they should be remitted to the Lord with the peace promised them by the martyrs," etc.
4 "Audientibus," scii. catechumens.
5 [See Hermas, vol. ii. p. 15, note 6.]
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. xix. [See letter xxvii. infra.]
3 Faciunt invidiam: "are producing ill-will to us." Those who were eager to be received into the Church without certificates would produce ill-will to those who refused to receive them, as if they were too strict. Thu. Rigaltius explains the passage. "These," Cyprian says, "should wait until the Church in its usual way gives then) peace publicly."
5 [i.e., they can become martyrs, if they wil.]
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. xx þ A.D. 250.
2 Comp. Ep, xiii. to the Roman clergy.
3 [Another instance of this usage (kat= ecoxhn), of which see p. 291, supra.]
4 [Note the moderation of our author. 1 Pet. v. 5.]
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. xxxvii. In the autumn of A.D. 250.
2 "Further, that you came to them in such way as you could enter: that you refreshed their minds, robust in their own faith and confession, by your appeals and your letters; that, accompanying their happiness with deserved praises, you inflamed them to a much more ardent desire for heavenly glory; that you urged them onward in the course; that you animated, as we believe and hope, future victors by the power of your address, so that, although all this may seem to come from the faith of the confessors and the divine indulgence, yet in their martyrdom they may seem in some manner to have become debtors to you."
3 [i.e., confessorship. As to the time, see Treatise ii. infra.]
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. xxiii. A.D. 250.
2 "Cypriano Papae," to "Pope" Cyprian. [An instance illustrative of what is to be found on p. 54, supra. See also Elucidation III. p. 154, supra.]
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. xxvi. A.D. 250.
4 [The affectionate and general usage of primitive bishops to seek the consensus fratrum, is noteworthy.]
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. xxiv. A.D. 250.
2 [The community of this term, presbyters, has been noted. See p 156, supra.]
3 "Some" would seem to be correct (Goldhom); but it has no authority.
4 [i.e., to idols, or the imperial image.]
5 "Presbyterium subministrabat" assisted, probably as vicar or curate.
6 [A very touching incident, dramatically narrated.]
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. xxv. A. D. 250.
2 Probably the treatise, On the Lapsed.
3 [A beautiful specimen of obedience to the precept, 1 Pet. v. 5.]
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. xxi. A.D. 250.
2 "Florida," scil. "purpurea," purpled, that is, with blood. See concluding section of Ep. viii. The Oxford translator has "empurpled."
3 [Written at Easter, like the first Epistle to the Corinthians, as implied in cap. v. 7. See Conybeare and Howson.]
4 The Oxford edition has a variation here, as follows: "Until our Lord Jesus Christ afford help, and pity be manifested through you, or through those my lords who may have been crowned, from whom you will entreat that these dreadful shipwrecks may be pardoned."
6 This seems altogether unintelligible: the original is probably corrupt. [It seems to relate to the sort of priesthoodwhich was conceded to all martyrs, in view of (Rev. i. 6 and v. 10) the message sent b the angel "to His servants," and by their servant or minister, John.]
7 Dodwell conjectures this name to be from atuxousa(unhappy) or aekousa(unwilling), and applies it to Candida.
8 A spot in the Roman Forum which must of necessity be passed by in the ascent to the Capitol. It would appear that Candida therefore repented of her purpose of sacrificing, when she was actually on her way to effect it.
9 [i.e., the clergy administering jurisdiction.]
10 i.e., in the room of Fabian.
11 [i e., to Ostia or Portus].
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. xxii. A.D. 250.
3 The passage is hopelessly confused.
4 "And. moreover, by the smoke of fire, and our suffering was so intolerable," etc.; v. l.
5 These parenthical words are necessary to the sense, but are omitted in the original.
6 "Pejerario." There are many conjectures as to the meaning at this. Perhaps the most plausible is the emendation, "Petrario" "in the mines."
7 This epistle, as well as the preceding, seems to be very imperfect, having probably been "written," says the Oxford translator, "by persons little versed in writing,-confessors, probably, of the less instructed sort." The meaning in many places is very unsatisfactory.
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. xxvii. A.D. 250.
2 Some read, "his mother and sisters, who had fallen."
3 [A Cyprianic aphorism applicable to the "The Fathers."]
4 Gal. i. 6-9. [Applicable to the new Marian dogma.]
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. xxix. The numbering of the epistles has hitherto been in accordance with Migne's edition of the text: but as he here follows a typographical error in numbering the epistle "xxiv.," and all the subsequent ones accordingly, it has been thought better to continue the correct order in this translation. In each'case, therefore, after this. the number of the epistle in the translation will be one earlier than in Migne.
2 Not "teachers and presbyters," as in the Oxford translation, but "teacbing presbyters." For these were a distinct class of presbyters-all not being teachers,- and these were to be judges of the fitness of such as were to be teachers of the hearers. [According to Cyprian's theory, all presbyters shared in the government and celebrated the Lord's Supper, but only the more learned and gifted were preachers. 1 Tim. iv. 17.]
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. xxviii. [The See of Rome was now vacant by the death of Fabian. A.D. 250. See letter xxiv. infra.]
4 "And not to become a martyr for the Lord's cake" (or, "by the Lord's help"), "and to endeavour to overthrow the Lord's precepts." Baluz. reads "praeter," but in notes, "propter," while most mss. read "perDominum."
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. xxxi. [This epistle shows that Cyprian's gentle reproof of their former implied regret at his retreat (see p. 280, supra) had been effective.]
2 [Note this testimony to the universality of the persecution. Vol. iv. p. 125, this series.]
3 Supplicia sua post fidem amare coepisse.
9 [Note the power of Holy Scripture in creating and supporting the martyr-spirit.]
10 [See valuable note, Oxford translation, p. 71.]
11 Lit. "of our postponement."
12 [I have amended the translation here from the Oxford trans ]
13 [An important testimony to Cyprian's judicious retirement, in the spirit of St. Paul, Phil. i. 24. ]
14 " Sanctum." [Note what follows: a rule for our times.]
15 [An important testimony to the Cyprianic theory from members of the Roman presbytery.]
16 [The extent of the lapses which Cyprian strove to cheka by due austerity must be noted.]
17 [The casting of a grain of incense upon the coals before an image, to escape death.]
19 [Note the profound convictions in these very lapsers o( the truth of the Gospel and of the value of full communion with Christ.]
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. xxxiii. A.D. 250.
2 [This is the Cyprianic idea. The idea that this was peculiar to any one bishop had never entered his mind. See vol. iv. p. 99.]
4 [ Elucidated and worked out in the Treatise on Unity, infra.]
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. xxxiv. A.D. 250.
2 [At the Eucharist the alms and oblations were regarded in the light of Matt. v. 23, 24.]
5 "They which lead thee."-E. V.
7 [Thus Cyprian keeps in view "the whole Church," and adheres to his principle in letter xiii. p. 294, note I, supra.]
8 [Thus Cyprian keeps in view "the whole Church," and adheres to his principle in letter xiii. p. 294, note I, supra.]
9 Some read this, "dictione," preaching.
1 Oxford ed.: Ep, xxxv. A, D, 250.
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. xxxvi. A.D. 250.
2 "Papa" = pope. [ It may thus be noted what this word meant at Rome: nothing more than the fatherly address of' all bishops.]
3 The church at Rome recognises national churches as sisters. The" Roman Catholic" theory was not known, even under the Papacy, till the Trent Council, which destroyed "sister churches."]
5 [On the principles we shall find laid down in Cyprian's Treatise on Unity. Also see vol. iv. p. 113.]
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. XXX. A.D. 250.
2 This letter was written, as were also the others of the Roman clergy, during the vacancy of the See, after the death of Fabian.
4 [Note ta arxaia eqh, as in St. Paul, 1 Cor. xi. 16.]
6 [God grant this spirit to the modern Christians in Rome.]
7 No conception of Roman infallibility here.]
8 [A concession which illustrates the present awful degeneracy of this See.]
9 [1 Cor. x. 21, where tablesand altarsare used as synonymes.]
11 [See p. 304, note 8, supra.]
12 [The whole system of Roman casuistry, as it now exists in the authorizedpenitential forms of Liguori, is here condemned.]
13 [See Alphoesus de' Liguoriand the Papal Authorization, vol. i. p. xxii., ed. Paris, 1852.]
14 [All-important is this testimony of the Roman clergy to the Cyprianic idea of the Church synods. See this vol. supra, p. 283.]
15 [Note this principle, as a test of synodical decrees.]
16 [Probably a quotation from a "bidding prayer" in use at Rome in those times. Elucidation VI.]
17 In "sacramento," scil. "fidei; " perhaps in a way in harmony with their religious engagement and with ecclesiastical discipline.
20 [Note this faithful statement of scriptural doctrine, and no hint of purgatory. ]
21 [All this illustrates the Treatise on Unity(infra), and proves the utter absence of anything peculiar in the See of Rome.]
22 [How different the language of the cardinal vicar, now, when he writes, sede vacante.]
23 [This eloquent and evangelical letter proves that much dross had been burned away by the fires of persecution since the episcopate of Callistus. It is refferred to, p. 309, note 4.]
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. xxxii. A.D. 250.
2 [Administering jurisdiction sede vacante.]
3 [Illustrating the Treatise on Unity.]
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. xxxviii. A.D. 25O.
2 [Note,again this principle of the Cyprianic freedom and evangelical discipline. Acts xv. 22; Matt. xviii. 17.]
3 Aurelius not being able to discharge the functions of hisoffice in public, because of the persecution, in the meantime read for Cyprian; which is said to be an augury or beginning of future peace.
4 [That is himself. Compare Phil. i, 26.]
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. xxxix. A.D. 250.
2 [See testimony of Cornelius, in Euseb., H. E., vi, 43.]
3 [He produced some momentary impression on Decius himself.]
4 [Gal. vi 17. St. Paul esteemed such stigmataa better ground of glorying in the flesh than his circumcision.]
5 [Memorial thanksgivings. Ussher argues hereby the absence of all purgatorial ideas, because martyrs were allowed by all to go at once to bliss. Compare Tertull., vol. iv. p. 67.]
6 [He was called to preach and expound the Scriptures.]
7 "The brotherhood may follow and imitate these same persons;"
8 See Bin ham, Book v. cap 6, sec. 3.]
1 Oxford cd.: Ep, xl. A.D. 250.
3 [Let us put ourselves in Cyprian's place, and share his anxiety to fill up the vacant places in his list of presbyters at this terrible period.]
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. vii. A.D. circa251.
2 [Here,as elsewhere, spoken of in this way, in imitation of 1 Pet. v. 1.]
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. xii. A.D. circa251.
5 [The tract of Archbishop Ussher shows what these commemorations were. See vol. iii. p. 701, and Elucidation, p. 706, also vol i. p 484.]
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. xli. A.D. 250.
2 [So the Oxford ed., p. 91.] Or, "in the mount," "in monte;" vide meander, K. G., i. 252; probably in some church or congregation assembled by Felicissimus, on an eminence near or in Carthage.
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. xiii. A.D. 251.
2 V. l."to Cyprian, greeting."
3 "Rutili," scil. confessors who had spilt their blood.
4 "Budinarius." The exact meaning of this word is unknown. Some read it as another name: "Soliassus and Budinarius" The Oxford editor changes it into Burdonarius, meaning a "carrier on mules." Salmasius, in a long note on a passage in the life of Aurelian (Hist. Aug., p. 408), proposes butinarius, which he derives from Butinh, a cruet for containing vinegar, etc., and which he identifies with Bouttij, the original of our bottle. Butinariaswould then mean a maker of vessels suitable for containing vinegar, etc. See Sophocles' Glossary of Byzantine Greek, s. v.Bouttij. [Probably low Latin for a maker of force-meats. Spanish, budin.]
1 Oxford ed.: Ep xliii. A.D. 251.
2 Some read "Britius" or "Briccius."
3 "Clericis urbicis," scil. the "Roman city clergy." [A very important example of the concurrent action of the clergy of the metropolis with those of sister churches.]
4 "Romae" scil. "across the sea, at Rome." [The African canons forbade appeals to any bishop beyond seas.]
5 [Concerning this exile, see p. 270, supra.]
6 [" The elders," i.e., presbyters. Our author plays upon the word, and compares the corrupt presbyters to their like in the Hebrew Church, from which this name is borrowed. Exod. iii. 16and passim. ]
9 [See Treatise on Unity. Cyprian considers the universal episcopate as one cathredra, like "Moses' seat" in the Church of the Hebrews. This one chair he calls "Peter's chair."]
16 [The high official tone with which Cyprian upholds his own authority is always balanced by equal zeal for the presbyters and the laity. On which Compare Hooker, Polity, book viii. cap. vi. 8.]
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. xliv, A.D 251.
2 [ Cornelius has succeeded to the cathedrain Rome. Here opens a new chapter in the history of Cyprian and of the Roman See.]
3 Ordinationto the episcopate was the term used. Consecrationis the inferior term now usual in Western Christendom. Elucidation VIII.]
4 "In statione," "stationary assembly;" these being the Wednesdays and Fridays in each week (Marshall). [See vol. i. p. 33.]
5 [Note the free use of this phrase by Cyprian This also to the Bishop of Rome.]
6 [Nothing of a "universal bishop" is intimated or heard of. The e ection is that of a bishop like any other bishop.]
7 [Here note, that the episcopate of Rome is in no otherwise regulated or regarded than that of any other See.]
1 Oxford ed,: Ep. xlv. A.D. 251.
2 The Oxford edition follows some authorities in reading this "sadness" rather than "gladness."
6 Lit.: "that these things ought to be done."
7 The co-presbyter here spoken of is Novatian. The Orford text reads," When such writings came to me concerning you and your co-presbyters sitting with you, as had the true ring of religious simplicity m then'." There is a variety of readings. [But think of a modern "Pope" thus addressed about a "co-presbyter."]
8 [Cyprian, however, respectfully demands the canonical evidences from his brother Cornelius.]
9 [Every bishop thus announced his ordination.]
10 [Had such instructions proceeded from the Roman See to Cyprian, what inferences would have been manufactured out of them by the media:vol writers.]
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. xlvii. A.D. 25l.
2 [On the frequent confusion of these names see Wordsworth, Hippol., p. 109.]
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. xlvi. A.D. 251.
2 [" Another bishop should be made." What would have been the outcry o( the whole Church, and what the language of Cyprian, had any idea entered their minds that the case was that of the Divine Oracle of Christendom, the Vicar of Christ, the Centre of Unity, the Infallible, etc.]
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. xlviii. A.D. 251.
2 [This refers to the episcopate. They had taken letters only to "presbyters and deacons." Or to Christ the root, and the Church the womb or matrix. See infra, Letter xlviii. p. 325.
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. xlix. A.D. 251.
3 Baluz.: "Announced the swelling pride of some, the softened temper of others."
4 [i.e., for episcopal ordination and consecration.]
5 [See Ep. xvii. p. 296, supra.]
7 [Episcopatus unus est. One bishop, i e., one episcopate. See the note, Oxford translation of this letter, p. 108, and Cyprian's theory of the same in his Treatise on Unity.]
8 Baluzius reads,without authority: "Who would not be moved by that profession of theirs.", etc.
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. li. A.D. 251.
2 Some read, "might not be tried by the faith of their charity and unity."
3 Some old editions read, "of that thing."
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. l. A D. 251.
2 [Oxford trans., p. III. Elucidation VIII. and p. 319, supra.]
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. lii. A.D. 251.
3 [See letter xliv. p. 322, p. 322, supra.]
4 [" From her greatness;" he does not even mention her dignity as the one and only apostolic see of Western Christendom. And this is the case in subsequent action of the Great Councils. Rome, though not theroot, was yet a "root and matrix."]
6 [Cyprian's idea of unity as expounded in his treatise, infra.]
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. liii, A.D. 251.
2 [The language of this letter clearly demonstrates the primitive condition of the Roman clergy and their bishop, and their entire unconsciousness of any exceptional position in their estate or relations to other churches. "Our bishop " - not Urbis et Orbis papau.]
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. liv. A.D. 252.
3 [i.e., On Unityand On the Lapsers.]
4 " Of the Unity of the Church." [And note, Cyprian innocently teaches these Roman clergy the principles of Catholic unity, without an idea that they were in a position to know much more on the subject than they could be taught by a bishop in Africa.]
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. lv. A.D. 252.
2 That be may induce him to this, he narrates the history of the whole disturbance between Cornelius and Novatian, and explains that Cornelius was an excellent man, and legitimately elected; while Novatian was guilty of many crimes, and had obtained an unlawful election.
3 [" Our co-bishop,"-language which reflects our author's idea of Catholic communion. See his Treatise on Unity; also p 329.]
4 [His idea is, that to be in communion with the whole Church, one must be in fellowship with his own lawful bishop.]
6 [The provincial council, clearly.]
8 [On principles of Catholic unity expounded in his Treatise.]
9 [Note this appeal to Scripture aiways, as enthroned infallibility, insuring the presence of the Spiritof counsel.]
10 [A most important reference to the true position of the Roman See. Elucidation IX.]
12 [On the death of Fabian, see Ep. iii. p. 281; sufferings of Cornelius (inference), p, 3O3; Decius, p. 299.]
13 [On the death of Fabian, see Ep. iii. p. 281; sufferings of Cornelius (inference), p, 3O3; Decius, p. 299.]
14 [Not by a mere decision, but by consent o( "colleagues."]
17 [Episcopo tractante. See Oxford trans., a valuable note, p. 124; also Vincent, Common., cap. 28.]
19 1 Cor. x. 33, 1 Cor. xi. 1.
26 [ Compare Cyprian, in all this, with his less reasonable "master" Tertullian ]
27 Apud inferos. See Ps. vi. 5.
28 Prov. xviii. 19 (old version).
34 [I bespeak admiration for this loving spirit of one often upbraided for his strong expressions aud firm convictions.]
35 These words are variously read, "to be purged divinely," or "to be purged for a long while," scil. "purgari divine," or "purgari diutine." [Candid Romish writers concede that this does not refer to their purgatory; but, the idea once accepted, we can read it into this place as into 1 Cor. iii. 13. See Oxford trans., p. i28.]
36 [The unity of the Catholic Church, in his view, consists in this unity of co-bishops in one episcopate, with which every Christian should be in communion throu h his own bishop.]
37 [The independence of bishops, and their intercommunion as one episcopate, is his theory of the undivided sacrament of Catholicity.]
46 [Matt. v. 4. A striking exposition. "The quality of mercy is not strained," etc.]
47 [The primitive canons require the consent of a majority of comprovincials, and threeat least to ordain.]
48 [One of the many aphoristic condensations of the Cyprianic theory. Elucidation X.]
50 [" The body of his fellow-bishops," as above.]
59 [" Fools make a mock at sin." But what serious reflections are inspired by the solemn discipline of primitive Christianity! Mercy is magnified, indeed, but pardon and peace are made worth striving after. Repentance is made a reality, and we hear nothing of mechanical penances and absolutions.]
60 [He has never heard of indulgences and masses for the dead, nor of purgatorial remission. See p. 332, note 7.]
61 [To the unity of our common episcopate. Note this; for, if he had imagined Cornelius to have been a "Pope," he must have said, "to unity with the true pontiff, against whom Novatian has rebelled, and made himself an anti-pope."]
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. lvi. A.D. 252.
2 According to some readings, "the name of the Lord."
3 [The sweetness, moderation, and prudence of this letter are alike commendable. But let us reflect what it meant to confess Christ in those days.]
2 As the African bishops had previously decided in a certain council, that the lapsed, except after long penitence, should not be received to peace, unless perchance peril of sickness was urgent; now on the appearance of a new persecution they decided that peace was to be granted to all those who had repented, so that they might be the more courageous for the contest of suffering.
3 [" To Cornelius their brother." Now compare this with the abject conduct of Latin bishops at the late council of the Vatican. See Dollinger (On Unity, etc.), Janus, and Quirinus.
4 The superscription in other texts is as follows; "Cyprian, Liberalis, Caldonius, Nicomedes, Caecilius, Junius, Marrutius, Felix, Successus, Faustinus, Fortunatus, Victor, Saturninus, another Saturninus, Rogatian, Tertullus, Lucianus, Sattius, Secundinus, another Saturninus, Eutyches, Amplus, another Saturninus, Anrelius, Priscus, Herculaneus, Victoricus, Quintus, Honoratus, Manthaneus, Hortensianus, Verianus, Iambus, Donatus, Pomponius, Polycarp, Demetrius, another Donatus, Privatianus, another Fortunatus, Rogatus and Munnulus, to Cornelius their brother, greeting."
5 [CompareLuke xxii. 15, 42, and Ps. cxvi. 13.]
8 [" We have determined." No reference to any revising power in the Bishop of Rome, who is counselled from first to last as a brother, and told what he should do.]
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. lix. A.D, 252.
2 Indicating also by the way whence heresy and schisms are wont to take their rise, so that the letter is with good reason inscribed by Morell "Contra Haereticos."
3 [He was a purse-proud layman. But see Elucidation Xlll. infra.]
4 [" The sacramental host of God's elect."-The Task, Cowper.]
12 [This idea became embedded in the minds of Western Christians. See Southey, Roderick, xxv. note pa. The Fabulous Chronicle which Southey gives at length is a curious study of this subject.]
23 [i.e., in each Church the one episcopate-" the college of priests" - is represented by the one bishop. See note, Oxford trans. p. 155.]
24 [An illustration again of the Cyprianic theory. See the Treatise on Unity. These notes will aid when we reach that Treatise.]
30 [Cyprian could not have written this letter to Cornelius had he recognised in him, as a successor of Peter, any other than the gifts which he supposed common to all bishops.]
35 [" Our fellow-bishops." This council was held on the return of Cyprian, A o. 251, soon after Easter.]
36 [" Our fellow-bishops." This council was held on the return of Cyprian, A o. 251, soon after Easter.]
37 [They were not appointed there by any "favour of the Apostolic See," and Cyprian knows much more of their existence as bishops than Cornelius does.]
39 Or, "with Privatus, the proved heretic; " or, according to the Oxford translation, "a proud heretic." [See p. 308.]
43 Strictly, the phrase here as elsewhere is, "should do penance," "poenitentiam lagerent."
44 "That by the malice of the devil they may consummate their work;" v. l.
45 Scil. Capitol of Carthage, for the provinces imitated Rome in this respect. Du Cange give many instances.
46 Isa. xxix. 10: orig. "transpunctionis."
48 [The or animation of the laity into their freedom and franchises is part of the Cyprianic system, and gave birth to the whole fabric of free constitutions, in England and elsewhere.]
50 "Unless they had set up," vl.
51 [The Apostolic See of the West was necessarily all this in the eyes of an unambitious faithful Western co-bishop; but the letter itself proves that it was not the See of one who had any authority over or apart from his co-bishops. Let us not read into his expressions ideas which are an after-thought, and which conflict with the life and all the testimony of Cyprian.]
52 [To be interpreted by Epistle xxx. p. 308, supra. Elucidation XII.]
53 [Note this decree, "by all of us," and what follows.]
54 [Only "desperate and abandoned men" could make light of other bishops, by carrying their case from their own province to Rome This was forbidden by canons. Cyprian's respect for the mother See was like that felt by Anglo-Americans for Canterbury, involving no subjection in the least degree. See Elucidation Xlll.]
56 [Exod. xxiii. 2. The best comment on Cyprian's system is to be found in the Comnonitoryof Vincent of Lerins (A.D. 450), who lays down the rule, that if the whole Church revolts from the faith save only a few, those few are the Catholics.]
57 Ecclus. xvi. 1, 2. The words in parenthesis are not found in many editions.
58 [See vol. ii. pp, 15, 22. And for this ecclesiastical "remission," 2 Cor. ii. 10 , which Cyprian imitates.]
59 [What a contrast to the hierarchical spirit of the Middle Ages, this primitive compassion for penitents! Think of Canossa.]
61 [Cyprian's love for the people is always thus conspicuous. Here the majesty and dignity of the Catholic Church is identified with all estates of men therein.]
62 [Phil. iii. 2. The apostle calls the Judaizers a concision, the particle cut offand thrown away in the rite of circumcision; a rejected schism. See Joel iii. 14, Eng., margin. Elucidation XII.]
63 [Note this significant language. Our author has no conception of a pontifical system excluding the presbytery from its part and place in the councils and regimen of the Church.]
64 [Elucidation XV,; also Elucidation XIII.]
68 Ecclus. xxviii. 24 (Vulg. 28).
70 [It must be seen what all this implies as to the position of Cornelius and ("our brotherhood there") his comprovincial bishops, i.e., in their relations to Cyprian.]
72 2 Thess. iii. 6. [Cyprian virtually commands Cornelius, through, the Apostle, what course to take. Elucidation XIII.]
73 [Had such a letter been sent by Cornelius to Cyprian,-so full of warning, advice, and even direction,-what would not have been made of it as a "Decretal" ? A.D. 252.]
2 Hence are suggested illustrations of good men from the beginning of the world who have suffered martyrdom, especially that which surpasses all examples, the passion of our Lord. What excitement is afforded to the endurance of martyrdom by the brave and ready enduring of the contests of the stadium and the theatre. Finally, let the reward be considered, which now, moreover, animates and influences us to sustain everything.
4 [It has been a question whether this dailyreception of the communion was confined to times o( persecution, or was more generally the custom. It seems to me exceptional. Freeman, vol. i. p. 383.]
11 [Preaching the eminent duty of true bishops. See letter li p 330, note 4, supra.]
15 [Referred to by St. Paul, Heb. xi.35. I say St. Pauladvisedly. See, to the contrary, Farrar, St. Paul, p. 6.]
17 [Valuable note, Oxford trans., Ep. lviii. p. 142, note k.]
22 Scil.: the signn of the cross in baptism.
23 It is observed here that the Eucharist was at this time received by the hand of the comnnmicant, and not placed in his mouth by the minister, as some have pretended was the original mode of administration. [See Cyril of Jerusalem, Mystagog., v. p. 1126, migne.]
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. lx. A.D. 252.
2 Damasus mentions this epistle in the life of Cornelius, as being that on account of which a calumny arose, whence the tyrant took an excuse for his death.
3 [Note the entire equality of these bishops. Carthage and Rome are of equal sacerdocy.]
4 [Cornelius the voice of his diocese only because they concur with him. Compare Leto, Vat. Council, p. 223 and passim.]
1 Oxford ed.: Ep lxi. A. D. 252.
2 [Hi episcopate lasted not six months. See Eusebius, H. E., vii. 2. He seems to have suffered martyrdom by the sword.]
3 [Not Novatian. The organization at Rome is here glanced at, as answering to the Cyprianic' theory in all respects.]
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. lxiv. [It would be unbecoming in me to add comments of my own on this letter. Such are the views of Cyprian; and one may see the opposite views, set forth with extreme candor, by Jeremy Taylor in his Liberty of Prophesying.]
2 This letter was evidently written after both synods concerning the lapsed, of which mention was made above in Epistle liii.; but whether a long time or a short time after is uncertain, although the context indicates that it was written during a time of peace.
3 [i.e., the decree of the synod, or council.]
4 [See letter liv. p. 340, supra.]
6 [A marvellous relic of pagan ideas. A new-born babe, after its bath, makes no such impression upon civilized minds.]
9 [I cannot refrain from quoting a layman's beautiful lines on the death of his son: -"Pure from all stain save that o( human clay, Which Christ's atoning blood had washed away." George Canning, A.D. 1770-18277.]
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. lxii. A. D. 253.
2 It is probable that this captivity was the work of those barbarians against whom Decius went to war and was killed.
8 [Primitive Christians were grateful for opportunities to distribute gifts. Rom. xii. 13.]
9 [An immense contribution, for the times. In our money reckoned (for temp. Decii) at $3,757. For the Augustan age it would be $4,294. The text (sestertia) dubious. Ed. Paris.
10 [The diptychsare here referred to; that is, lists (read at the Eucharist) in which benefactors, living or dead, were gratefully remembered. Anglice, "beadroll."]
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. ii. CircaA.D. 249.
2 [In the Sistine Chapel of the Vatican, to the disgrace of the pontifical court, the fine music is obtained by recourse to this expedient, inflicted upon children.]
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. iv. He suggests the kind of discipline by which virgins may be kept in their duty, and some matters concern, ing the power of (excommunication in the Church. CircaA.D. 249.
2 [See vol. ii. p. 57, Elucidation II.]
6 Some editors read here "fructu" for "ructu;" but Goldhorn observes that a similar collocation of eructationwith error is found in Horace, Ep. ad Pis., 457.
7 [How coarse and brutal the pagan manners, which even the Gospel could not immediately refine!]
10 [This abomination may have lingered in Africa much longer that elsewhere among the Punic converts from Canaanite manners. Ezek. viii. 13, 14.]
13 [The frightful condition of heathen society inspired the effort to maintain celibacy, but all this suggests the divine wisdom and clemency in restricting it to the few. Matt. xix. 11.]
16 [The horrible subject of this letter is treated in a valuable note (k) in the Oxford trans., p 7. It began earlier (see Hermas) than that learned annotator supposes; but the silence of Minucius Felix, and the pagan objector of his story, as to this specific reproach, suggests that it was of rare occurrence. Vol. ii. p. 235.]
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. lxiii. A.D. 253.
2 [A kindly rebuke of those Encratites who were called Hydroparastatae. Epiphan., iii. p. 9, ed. Oehler.]
3 [1 Cor. xi. 2. Our author evidently has this in mind. He is admonishedby such Scriptures to maintain apostolic traditions.]
4 [1 Cor. xi. 2. Our author evidently has this in mind. He is admonishedby such Scriptures to maintain apostolic traditions.]
15 [For a full view of all theories of election, see Faber, On the Rrimitive Doctrine of Election, New York, ed. 1840.]
20 [See Justin, vol, i. p. 185, this series.]
24 Ps. xxiii. 5. [ Vulgate, "calix inebrians." Ps. xxii. 5.]
25 [A happy conception of the inebriationof the Spirit, "where drinking largely sobersus again."]
27 [This figure, copied by St. Augustine (vol. v. p. 1247, ed. Milne). is retained in the liturgy of the Reformed Dutch communion.]
33 According to some texts is read here, "to offer wine, lest in the morning hours, through the flavour of the wine, its smell should h þ recognised by its fragrant odour by the perception of unbelievers, and he should be known to be a Christian, since we commemoratethe blood of Christ in the oblation of wine." [The heathen detected Christians by this token when searching victims for the persecutor.
34 Mark viii. 38. [Bingham, book xv. cap. ii. sec. 7.]
36 [Much light is thrown on this by the Hebrew usages. See Freeman, On the Principles of Divine Service, vol. ii. p. 293.]
46 [A very important monition that clearer light upon certain Scriptures may break in as time unfolds their purpose. Phil. iii. 15.]
47 [Even these minute maxims show that the spirit of the third century was to adhere to the example of Christ and His Apostles. This gives us confidence that no intentionalinnovations were admitted.]
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. lxv. A.D. 253.
10 [2 Thess. ii. 11. Judicial blindness the result of revolt from known truth.]
11 Otherwise, "the enduring vigour of that soundness which they have preserved and guarded."
2 At what time this letter was written is uncertain, unless we may gather from the similar commencement in both letters, that it was written at the same synod with the following one. Perhaps A.D 249.
4 [i.e., Levites-deacons. But Korah and the Levites (Viue. xvi. 9, 10) must be regarded apart from the Reubenites (laics) who sinned with them. Jude 11.]
11 [This is the Cyprianic theory.]
13 [See letter liv. sec. 16, p. 345, supra.]
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. i.,A.D. 249.
2 The Oxford translator notes here that the Roman law did not permit this office be declined.
3 2 Tim. ii. 4. (Are not these primitive ideas a needed admonition to our times?]
4 "Pro dormitione ejus." Goldhorn observes here, rather needlessly, that it was unlucky among the ancient Christians to speak of death. [They counted death as a falling asleep, and the grave as a coemeterium; and this prayer for the reposeof the righteous was strictly such, that they might "rest from their labours," till, in the resurrection and not before, they should receive their consummation and reward.]
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. lxviii. This epistle does not appear in many mss., and its genuineness has been therefore doubted. But the style. points to Cyprian as its author, and the documents where it is found are amoung the oldest, one the most ancient of all A.D. 254.
2 [With all Cyprian's humility and reverence for the mother See, to which the Church of North Africa owed its origin, he yet, as an older bishop, reminds Stephen of what he ought to do to succour the Church of Irenaeus.]
3 By "us", viz., Rome and Carthage, provinces in communion with Faustinus.]
4 Suppl. "access," according to Baluzius.
5 [Note the language, "with us, dearest brother;" not a thought save that of equal and joint authority.]
6 Some old editions read, "who, having avoided the rocks of Marcian."
9 [" We, many shepherds (one episcopate), over one flock." Cyprian's theory is never departed from, practically.]
12 [" You ought," etc. Does any modern bishop of the Roman obedience presume to speak thus to the "infallible" oracle of the Vatican?]
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. lxvii. A.D. 257.
16 Acts i. 15. From some authorities, Baluzius here interpolates, "the number of men was about a hundred and twenty." But this, says a modern editor, smacks of" emendation."
19 [See Ep. xl. p. 319, supra.]
21 ["Our colleague Stephen," placed at a distance, ignorant of facts and truth, and, in short, incompetent to meddle with the African province in its own business: such was Cyprian's idea of the limits to which even this apostolic See was restricted.]
25 A collector of taxes, so called from the amount of his salary.
27 [Surely a significant warning to our own times.]
28 Some read, "by the furnaces; " some "by arms."
29 [A noteworthy testimony to the Decian period, when to be a Christian, indeed, was to be a confessor or martyr. Soc., H.E., bk. iv. c. 28.]
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. lxvi. From his saying, that he has now discharged his episcopal office for six years (sec. 5), it is plainly evident that he is writing this letter in the time of Stephen. A.D. 254.
2 It is suggested with some probability, that this form of superscription was intended to rebuke the rudeness of Florentius, who, in addressing Cyprian, had used his heathen name of Thascius instead of his baptismal name of Caecilius, which he had adopted from the presbyter who had been the means of his conversion.
5 [A mild remonstrance against the officous conduct of Stephen, also.]
10 [A mild remonstrance against the officous conduct of Stephen, also.]
12 [His aphorism, Ecclesia in Episcopo, is here used in another form. "The bishop" here = the episcopate.]
13 [Praepositum is the word thus translated.]
14 Antistitem. [This word occurs in Tertullian, De Fuga.]
15 [In all this his theory comes out; viz., that unity is maintained by communion with one's lawful bishop, not with any foreign See.]
16 Ecclus. xxviii. 24 (Vulg. 28).
18 [See sec. 6, note 3, supra.]
21 [Not any of his successors, but Peter personally, is thus honoured on the strength of Eph. ii. 20. All the apostles were in this foundation also, Rev. xxi. 14; but the figure excludes successors, who are of the superstructure, necessarily.]
22 [In all this his theory comes out; viz., that unity is maintained by communion with one's lawful bishop, not with any foreign See.]
23 [See sec. 5, supra. This is the famous formula of Cyprian's theory. The whole theory is condensed in what follows.]
24 Gen. xxxvii. 19, 20. [It seems a beautiful coincidence that another Joseph was a "dreamer" (Matt. ii. 20, 23); and in those days, when prophets and prophesyings were hardly yet extinct, we must not too readily call this credulity. Ps. lxxxix. 19, Vulgate.]
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. lxx. A.D. 255.
3 Mention is made o( both letters in the Epistle to Jubaianus, and in the one that follows this.
5 [This is very much to be observed, at this outset of an important historical controversy. Cyprian was not conscious of any innovation. See.Oxford Tertull., vol. i. p. 280, note.]
8 [When a deacon baptized, he was regarded as using, not his own "key," but the keys of the priesthood, and as simply supplying a lawful hand to the absent priest. See p. 366, note 8, supra.]
11 [i.e., confirmation, called chrism, or unction, from 1 John ii. 27 and other Scriptures.]
12 An authorized reading here is, "But further, the Eucharist and the oil, whence the baptized are anointed. are sanctified on the altar."
13 [Material oil was not originally used in baptism or confirmation, but was admitted ceremonially, in divers rites, at an early period. Mark vi. 13; Jas. v. 14. Bunsen, Hippol., vol. ii. p. 322, note I.]
18 [Sec Cave, Prim. Christianity, p. 365.]
21 [The vigour of Cyprian's logic must be conceded. The discussion will show, as it proceeds, on what grounds it failed to enlist universal support. It resembled the Easter question, vol. i. p. 569.]
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. lxxi. A.D. 255.
2 [Note this, at the outset: it is presumptionin his colleague Stephen to act otherwise than as a general consent of the provinces seems to rule.]
3 [Otherwise, "which doubtless is one in the Catholic Church; and if this Church be one baptism cannot exist outside the Church." His theory of unity underlies all our author's conduct.]
4 [Note this, at the outset: it is presumptionin his colleague Stephen to act otherwise than as a general consent of the provinces seems to rule.]
6 [The local custom of the Roman Province seems to have justified Stephen's localpractice. It is a case similar to that of Polycarp and Anicetus disturbed by Victor, vol. i. 310, and 312.]
7 [But a primacy involves no supremacy. All the Gallicans, with Bossuet, insist on this. point. Cyprian now adopts, as his rule, St. Paul's example, Gal. ii. 5.]
8 [Here, then, is the whole of Cyprian's idea as to Peter, in a nutshell.]
9 1 Cor. xiv. 29, 30. [P. 379, note 4, infra,]
10 [With Cyprian it was an adjudged case. Stephen not only had no authority in the case, but, save by courtesy, even his primacywas confined to his own province.]
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. lxxii. [Concerning the council (seventh of Carthage), see the Acts, infra. Elucidation XVL]
3 The sense of this passage has been doubted but seems to be this: "The rite of confirmation, or the giving of the Holy Ghost, is of no avail unless baptism have first been conferred. For only by being born of each sacrament, scil. confirmation and baptism, can they be fully sanctified and be born again; since it is written, `Except a man be born of waterand of the Spirit, 0' etc; which quotation is plainly meant to convey, that the birth of water is by baptism, that of the Spirit by confirmation."
4 John iii. 5. [Bingham, book xii. cap. i. sec. 4.]
5 [This case (Acts x. 47) was governed by the example of Christ, Matt. iii. 15. The baptism of the Spirit had preceded; yet as an act of obedience to Christ, and in honour of His example, St. Peter "fulfils all righteousness," even to the letter.]
9 [Obviously, the law of liberty here laid down might introduce the greatest confusion if not limited by common consent. Yet the tolerant spirit of our author merits praise. P. 378, notes 1, 2.]
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. lxxiii. A.D. 256.
2 In the year of Christ 256, a little after the seventh council of Carthage, Cyprian wrote a long letter to the Bishop Jubaianus. He had consulted Cyprian about baptism, and at the same time had sent a letter not written by himself, but by some other person opposed to the opinion of Cyprian.
3 [Letter lxx. sec. 4, p. 378, supra. Jubaian, was of Mauritania.]
4 [This helps us to understand the expression, p. 322, note2, supra.]
5 Or, "the source of baptism which is one."
6 [Note, that Cyprian believes himself to be sustaining a res adjudicata, and has no idea that the councils of the African Church need to be revised beyond seas. Letter lxx. p. 373, note a, supra.]
7 Or otherwise, "and other plagues of heretics subverting the truth with their swords and poisons."
8 Matt. xxviii. 18, 19. [Eluiidation XVII.]
10 John xx. 21-23. [See notes of Oxf. edition on this letter.]
11 [This sounds like Ignatius himself, whose style abounds in aphorisms. See vol. i. p. 45.]
13 John vi. 37, 38. [This quotation is amended by me, in strict accordance with the (ek thj koiliaj) Greek, which refers to the nobler cavity, not the inferior, of the human body.]
14 Or, "with the courage of faith."
15 [It would seem, then, that "custom" could be pleaded on both sides. This appeal is recognised in Scripture. 1 Cor. xi. 16; and see sec. 23, infra. As to preceding sentence, Elucidation XVII.]
32 [One of the Catholic maxims which has been terribly misunderstood and cruelly abused. See below, p. 385, notes 2 and 3.]
33 John iii. 5. [His exposition of this passage explains his hyperbole, nulla salus extra ecclesiam. Of which sec. 23, infra.]
34 Luke xii. 50. [See p. 386, first line.]
35 [Here is the qualilfying maxim to that other dictum. Potens est Dominus misericordia sua, indulgentiam dare. Matt. ix. 13, 7. How emphatic this repeated maxim of Christ! And see Jas. ii. 13.]
36 [John's baptism was under the Law, and was distinguished from Christ's baptism; which accounts for the plural in Heb. vi. 2]
37 [See Ep. lxxi, sec. 3, p. 379, supra. Here is the spirit, not of Tertullian, but of Irenaeus (vol. i. p. 310), which seems to have prevailed in the practicalsettlement, between East and West, of one vexed question. As a question of canonical consent and of irresistible logic, assuming the premiss, Cyprian appears to me justified.]
38 [See Ep. lxxi, sec. 3, p. 379, supra. Here is the spirit, not of Tertullian, but of Irenaeus (vol. i. p. 310), which seems to have prevailed in the practicalsettlement, between East and West, of one vexed question. As a question of canonical consent and of irresistible logic, assuming the premiss, Cyprian appears to me justified.]
40 [See this volume, infra.] A.D. 256.
2 On which subject, again, in chap. 25: "I will not now reconsider what he angrily uttered against Stephen, because there is no necessity for it. The very same things are indeed said which have already been suffciently discussed, and it is better to pass by what suggested the risk of a mischievous dissension. Stephen, for his part, had thought that they who endeavoured to annul the old custom about receiving heretics were to be excommunicated; but the other, moved with the diffculty of that very question, and very largely endowed with a sacred charity, thought that unity might be maintained with them who thought differently. Thus, although there was a great deal of keenness, yet it was always in a spirit of brotherhood; and at length the peace of Christ conquered in their hearts, so that in such a dispute none of the mischief of schism arose between them" (Migne), [Ed. Migne adds, assuming the mediaeval system to have been known to Cyprian, as follows]: "Thus far Augustine, whom we have quoted at length, because the passage is opposed to those who strive from this to assert his schism from the Roman pontiff."
3 [It will be seen, more and more, that this entire conviction of Cyprian as to Stephen's absolute equality with himself, results from the Ante-Nicene system, and accords with his theory of the divine organization of the Church. So Augustine, as quoted in the "Argument."]
4 Meaning, probably, heretics with regard to the doctrine of the Trinity, Stephen not regarding the Novatians as" properly" heretics. [See Oxford translator, note m, p. 261.]
10 [This "unity" consisted not at all in agreeing with Stephen, according to our author. See good note (1) Oxford edition, p. 260.]
12 [Cyprian does not believe in the mere opus operatumof the water. And one fears that Stephen's position in this matter bore its fruit long after in that pernicious dogma of the schoolmen.]
15 [Allowing the premisses admitted alike by Stephen and Cyprian (of which it is not my place to speak), the logic of our author appears to me irresistible. Practically, how wise the inspired maxim, Rom. xiv. 1.]
16 Mal. ii. 1, 2. [Compare Tertullian, vol. iv. p. 122.]
17 [A terrible indictment, indeed, of his brother Stephen; provoked, however, by conduct less warranted. See Ep. lxxiv. infra.]
18 [Stephen's presumption in this step is the dark spot in his record. It was a brutum fulmen, however, even in his own province. See Augustine's testimony, Oxf. ed. (note l) p. 258.]
20 [Another of Cyprian's striking aphorisms: "Consuetudo sine veritate vetustas erroris est."]
23 Original, "docibilis." 2 Tim. ii. 24.
25 [Elucidation XVIII. See pp. 380 (note I) and 322 (note 2).]
28 [It is obvious that the Cyprianic theory of unity has not the least connection with a theory depending on communion with a particular See. But this calculates the maxim, p. 384, note 7.]
29 [See letter lxxi. p. 378, supra.]
1 Oxford ed.: Ep lxxv. [This is one of the most important illustrations of ante-nicene unity and its laws. Elucidation XIX.]
2 [But observe, in contrast, the language of Stephen, which he rebukes (sec, 26, infra), and his schismatical conduct towards the whole African Church.]
3 To the effect that he would not hold communion with them so long as they should persist in their opinion concerning the baptism of heretics, as Eusebius tells us from a letter of Dionysius of Alexandria to Xistus, the successor of Stephen, Hist. Eccles., book vii. c. 4.
6 [This is a sentence to be admired, apart from anything in the general subject.]
7 [Note the ignorance of these Oriental bishops of any superior authority in the Bishop of Rome. Athanas., opp., p. 470 Paris.]
10 [Apart from the argument, observe the clear inference as to the equal position of Stephen and his "primacy," in the great Western See. For the West, compare Hilar., Ad Liberium, Frag.]
11 Probably "of men," "nominum" in the original having been read for "hominum."
12 [Peter and Paul could not be quoted, then, as speaking by the mouth of any one bishop; certainly not by any prerogative of his See. See Guettee, The Papacy, p. 119. New York, 1866.]
13 [Peter and Paul could not be quoted, then, as speaking by the mouth of any one bishop; certainly not by any prerogative of his See. See Guettee, The Papacy, p. 119. New York, 1866.]
14 Literally, "in the vanity (or unreality) of a baptism."
15 These words in italics are conjecturally interpolated, but have no authority.
16 [Another use of this word as generic for all but deacons.]
17 [A provincial council of the East; and note, in Asia, not Europe.]
19 Facere. [Demoniacs. See Apost. lessons, so called, lxxix.]
29 John xx. 22, 23. [The two texts here quoted lie at the base of Cyprian's own theory; (I) to Peter alonethis gift to signify its singleness, (2) then the same to all the apostles alone to signify their common and undivided partnershipin the use of this gift. Note the two alones and one therefore. And see Treatise I. infra.]
30 [Cyprian's theory is thus professed by the Orient.]
31 [This place and succession are conceded in the argument; but Stephen himself does not appear to have claimed to be the Rock or to exercise the authority of Peter. Vol. iii. p. 266 ]
32 [Stephen abolishes the Rock, and "deserts unity;" here, then, is evidence that he was not the one, nor the criterion of the other.]
33 [The Roman custom seems to have been a localtradition, to which more generalcustom is opposed. See p. 375, supra.]
34 [i.e., Montanists.] Or, "as we do the prophets."
37 Or, "they not only speak of, (but have)," is a proposed reading of this obscure passage, "non modo dicunt."
38 [These, as the schoolmen teach, do virtually receive the sacra' ment, though in voto tantum.]
41 Prov. xix. 5. [Note the charge of schism that follows.]
43 [This, by the structure of the argument, is supposed to be said to Stephen.]
45 [By Canon XIX. of Nicaea the Paulianists were compelled to observe the Carthaginian discipline, which was a Catholic decision, so far, in Cyprian's favour. His position was not condemned.]
46 [These passages are noted here, because they all must be borne in mind when we come to the Treatise on Unity.]
47 [These passages are noted here, because they all must be borne in mind when we come to the Treatise on Unity.]
49 Otherwise "unity." Some commentators omit this clause.
50 [" Pseudo-Christum, pseudo-apostolum, et dolosum operarium." Compare Cyprian's meekness (p. 386) with this.]
51 [This letter may be too much like Stephen's, in a spirit not so meek as is becoming; but it is not less conclusive as a testimony.]
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. lxix. A.D. 255.
2 Luke xi. 23. [Bacon wished to see this reconciled with that other text Luke ix, 50.]
9 [A dilemma which should be borne in mind in studying the subsequent history of the Roman See and its rival popes.]
15 Ps. lxviii. 6. [Vulgate and Anglican Psalter.]
16 [See p. 362, supra, and Augus., tom. v. p. 1246, ed. Migne.]
17 [This hinges unity for the individual, according to Cyprian; the individual must be in communion with his lawful bishop, and the bishop with the universal episcopate. It never enters his head that any one See is the test of unity. Vol. i. 415 and 460.]
21 [What would Cyprian have said to Boniface III., A.D. 607, and to Nicholas, A.D. 858? The former attempted to set up a universal throne: the latter founded the papacy on the forged Decretals.]
24 "Within the very barriers of the Church;" v. l.
26 [Here comes into view the question of clinic baptism and of the exceptional mode of sprinkling or affusion. On which let the ex treme modesty of our author be a check to me. Elucidation XX.
31 The Oxford translator has given this name as "Socrates" here, but, as it appears, by an oversight only; for the original text has "Soranus," who is described as "of Ephesus, under Trojan and Adrian, a well-instructed author in methodical medicine," just as the translator describes Socrates. [Elucidation XX.]
32 The exact meaning of this sentence is very doubtful.
33 [ We may think this fanciful in argument: but this absorption of all Scripture, by primitive believers, into the analogy of faith, is not to be despised. See St. Paul's example, Gal. iv. 21.]
35 [ Acts xvi. 16and Acts xix. 15. We must not overlook such Scriptures in judging the exorcisms of the primitive Church.]
36 [Clinics, nevertheless, were treated by canonical law as less fit for Holy Orders. See Canon XII., Neo-Caesarea. Thomassin.]
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. 1xxvi. We gather that this was written in exile from these words, "If the limits of the place appointed me did not restrain me, banished as I am on account of the confession of the Name." a.d. 693.
3 Scil.: "of the cross." [Fanciful in logic, but our author may be indulged in his rhetoric. It was suited to the times.]
5 [As of convict criminals. An honourable tonsure.]
7 [This is very strong language, and absolutely disproves transubstantiation and "the eucharistic God" of Dufresne, Med., iii.]
14 [No one can read these obiter dicta of our author without assurance that the martyrs were a numerous army, beyond what is generally allowed. "A noble army, men and boys" (Heber).]
16 [See next letter. I cannot conceive of any Christian as not profoundly touched and edified by this eloquent and scripturral letter of a martyr to martyrs in a period of fiery trial. They truly believed what is written, "to die is gain." Phil. i. 21.]
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. lxxvii. A.D. 257.
2 This is confirmed in Epistle lxxix., where mention is made of one mine in particular.
3 Otherwise, "the sinews of the common enemy cut in two, his carcase was trodden under foot." [ Rom. xvi. 20.]
4 [ A graphic idea of mine-tortures is here afforded.]
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. 1xxviii. A. D. 257.
2 [These acolytes were of Greek name, but of Western usage only. They were a sort of candidates for Orders; and our Moravian brethren retain this ministry and the name, to this day.]
5 [This always means in prayers and at the Lord's Supper, in the common intercessions. Scudamore, Not. Euch., p. 327.]
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. 1xxix. A.D. 257.
1 Oxford ed.; Ep. vi. A.D. 257; possibly A.D. 250.
2 [ Luke xx. 35, Luke xxi. 36; 1 Thess. ii. 12. Such expressions in our author teach no worthiness apart from the merits of Christ.]
11 [See p. 404, note 6, supra.]
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. ixxx. As Cyprian suffered shortly after, in the month of September, there is no doubt but that this letter was written near the close of his life. A.D. 258.
6 (The modern name, Istamboul ( eij thn polin), grows out of like usage in the East. And, as Constantinople was "New Rome," this illustrates Irenaeus and his convenire, vol i. p. 460.]
7 [The baptismal question went by default, and was practically given up by the African Church, amid greater issues. It has never been dogmatically settled by the Church Catholic: and Roman usage is evasive (in spite of its own anathemas); for it baptizes again, subconditionel. See useful note, Oxford ed. p. 244.]
1 Oxford ed.: Ep. 1xxxi. [Cyprian's contest with Stephen is practically valueless as to the point at issue between them (see supra, p. 396), but it throws a flood of light on the questions raised by papal pretensions. It also illuminates the anti-Nicene doctrine of unity.]
3 [ Matt. x. 19. There is something sublime in the martyr's reliance upon this word of Jesus. See sec. 2, infra, and Eluciaation XXII.]
4 [Recur to the passion of this holy martyr as related by Pontius, his deacon, p. 390. Stephen had broken communion with him (see p. 390 note) and the African provinces, which had no effect upon his Catholic status. (See letter of Firmillian, p. 391 note.) But, on the Roman theory, this glorious martyr died in schism. He is, nevertheless, a canonized saint in the Roman Calendar. Elucidation XXII.]
5 Cap. xv. 15, 16, compared with Mal. i. 11.
6 Revised Version, margin. Rather, "ministering hierurgically."
7 For which, see vol. vii., this series.
8 See the Trent Catechism, cap. iv. quaestt. 73, 75.
9 Epistle xxiii. and Elucidation III.
10 Proposals, etc., by the Reverend Ministers of the Presbyterian Persuasion, London, 1661. An extract may be found in Leighton's Works, p. 637 Edinburgh, 1840.
11 Catechism of the Council of Trent, cap. vii. quaest. 12.
13 Bishop Whittingham quotes the edition of Gerard Vossius, pp. 286-291.
14 Church Review, vol xi. 1859, pp. 88-127.
15 Consult Epistles xxv. (sec. 6, p. 3O4) and xxx. (sec. 5, p. 310), supra. It is interesting to note how the primitive clergy of Rome recognise this free principle, with no suspicion that their own catliedea is not only their sufficient resource, but the oracle of God to all mankind.
16 See Elucidation III. p. 154, supra.
17 Cyprian facetiously remarks (see Ep. xlviii. p. 325) that Novatus reserved his greater crimes for the greater city; "since Rome, from her magnitude, ought to take precedence of Carthage."
18 Lombard., Sentences, p. 394, ed. Migne. Compare Aquinas.
19 Macarius, Theologie Orthodoxe, vol. iii. p. 244.
20 Catechism of the Council of Trent, cap. vii. quest. 2.
21 A monstrous statement. See Ignatius passim.
22 L'Union Chretienne, p. 69, 1870.
23 A Letter to Pius the Ninth, Bishop of Rome, etc., published by Parker, London, r8ya. It also appeared in most of the languages of Europe, and was circulated by the Greeks in their own tongue.
24 Same epistle and section, farther on. It seems needless to say that these Punic "Africans" were Asiatics, in fact.
28 Cap. xx. p. 252, note 7, etc. See vol. iii., this series.
29 Vol. iii. p. 260, cap, xxxvi. and note 13.
31 This canon of the Council of Milevis ( a.d. 402), at a much later date, maintains the ancient principle.
32 Calvin, De necessitate reformanda ecclesia, Works, vol. viii. p. 60. Amstelodami, 1667.
33 Elucidation III. p. 411, supra.
34 Bingnam, Antiquities, book iii. capp. ii., iii.
35 Eusebius, H. E., book vi. cap, xliii.
36 Consult Cave, Dissertation on the Ancient Church Government, appended to his Primitive Christianity, p. 366.
38 Burgon, Letters from Rome, p. 34. London, 1862.
39 Introduction to Criticism, etc., p. 453, also 564. Compare the Treatise on Unity, sec. 6, p. 423, infra.
40 Calling attention to evidence that verse 8 is a sort of apodosis implying the protasis of verse 7, as read in the Vulgate and English Received.
44 See illustrations in Faber's Difficulties of Romanism, cap. iii. pp. 46-88, London, 1830. This work is a succinct reply to Berington and Kirk lately reprinted in New York. It refutes itself. Compare vol. i. pp. ix, and x., with the new dogmas, vol. iii. pp. 443-460.
45 See Eusebius, H. E., vi. cap. lxiii.
46 Tertullian, vol. iii. p. 661.
47 Vol. iii. p. 45, this series.
1 [Written A.D. 251. Although, in order of time, this treatise would be the third, I have placed it here because of its dignity, and because of its importance as a key to the entire writings of Cyprian; for this theory is everywhere the underlying principle of his conduct and of his correspondence. It illustrates the epistles of Ignatius as well as his own, and gives the sense in which the primitive Christians understood these words of the Creed, "the Holy Catholic Church." This treatise has been subjected to falsifying interpolations, long since exposed and detected, to make it less subversive of the countertheory of Rome as developed by the school doctors. Elucidation I.]
2 Describing in few words the ambition and dissimulation of Novatian in invading the episcopate of Rome, he argues at length, that neither on the one hand is the passage in Matthew xviii of any avail to compensate for their fewness as against the Church: "Wherever two or three are gathered together in my name," etc.; nor, on the other, could martyrdom be of any benefit to them outside the Church. Then he tells them that they need not marvel that heresies nourished, since they had been foretold by Christ; nor that certain Roman confessors acquiesced in the schism, because before one's death no one is blessed, and the traitor Judas was found in the very compnny of the apostles. Yet he charges them to shun the association of schismatics and heretics, and finally exhorts them by the Scriptures to peace and unanimity.
4 The creeping, stealing thing.
9 [Here note that our author's entire ignorance of any Centre of Unity, of any one See as the test of communion; in short, of any one bishop as having more of Peter's authority than others,- is a sufficient disproof of the existence of any such things. Otherwise, how could they have been overlooked in a treatise devoted to the subject of unity, its nature and its criteria? The effort to foist into the text something of the kind, by corruption, demonstrates how entirely unsatesfactory to the Middle-Age theorists and dogmatists is the unadulterated work, which they could not let alone.]
10 [On the falsifying of the text by Romish editors, see Elucidation II.]
12 John xxi. 15. [Here is interpolated]: "Upon him, being one, He builds His Church, and commits His sheep to be fed."
14 [Here is interpolated]: "And the primacy is given to Peter, that there might be shown one Church of Christ and one See; and they are all shepherds, and the Rock is one, which is fed by all the apostles with unanimous consent." This passage, as well as the one a few lines before, is beyond all question spurious.
16 [Here is interpolated]; "Who deserts the chair of Peter, upon whom the Church is founded." This passage also is undoubtedly spurious.
18 [i.e., the universal episcopate is the chair of Peter.]
19 [This maxim is the essence of the treatise; i.e., "Ecclesia in Episcopo." Compare p. 333, note 9, supra.]
23 The above reading of this passage seems hopelessly obscure; and it is not much mended apparently by substituting "ipsam " (or Christum, unless "potius" be omitted, as in some editions, in which case we should read, "who should put it on."
38 Matt. xviii. 19, 20.[Compare John].
39 Mark xi. 25. [Freeman, Principles, etc. vol. i. 417.]
42 According to some readings, "to Christ," or "to the rewards of Christ."
48 Some introduce, "men corrupted in feeling, reprobate concerning the faith."
49 2 Tim. iii. 1-9. [Vol. iv. p. 521, this series.]
54 According to some, "does not deign," or "disdains to know."
56 Some read, "As it is written, And the Lord stirred up the adversary (Satan) against Solomon; and therefore in the Apocalypse the Lord solemnly warns John."
68 Acts iv. 32.. [Bernard., Epist. ccxxxviii., Opp. i. 502.]
70 Some interpolate "because."
72 Some read, "in your hands,"
1 The deacon Pontius, in hie life of Cyprian, in few words comprises the argument of the following treatise. "Who," says he, "would restrain virgins into a fitting discipline of modesty, and a dress meet for holiness, as if with a bridle of the Lord's lessons?"
2 After this he teaches from the Apostle, and from the third chapter of' Isaiah also, that distinctions of dress and ornaments are more suited to prostitutes than to virgins; and he infers that, while so many things are offensive to God, more especially are the sumptuous ornanients of women; and therefore making a transition from superfluous ornament to the different kinds of dyes and paints, he forbids such things, not only to virgins, but absolutely also to married women, who assuredly cannot with impunity strive to improve, to transfigure, and to adulterate God's work.
3 [Written, A.D. 248. Compare Tertullian, vol. iv. p. 14.]
11 One codex adds here: "since it is written, `He who perseveres unto the end, the same shall be saved. 0'"
12 Otherwise, "These are the flowers of the ecclesiastical seed."
29 The meaning is,-gifts to the poor will induce them to pray for the virgin, and in answer to their prayers, God will grant her the glory of virginity. Luke xvi. 9..]
30 Perhaps this sentence would be more literally translated, "and the dress of no women is, generally speaking, more expensive than the dress of those whose modesty is cheap; " i.e., who have no modesty at all, or very little.
37 [The utterly intolerable paganism here exposed, and fully sustained by Martial and other Latin poets, accounts for much of the discipline of the early Church, and its excessive laudations of virginity.]
38 Otherwise read, "among you;" or possibly, "whose bathing is modest towards you."
1 "Christi sacramentum." army.]
6 [The baptism of infants seems now to be general, and also the communion of infants. See sec. 25, infra.]
10 According to some, for "things" read "desires."
12 Otherwise, "could be bound."
13 Some substitute, "have made shipwreck of."
19 Or, "the scourges were lacerating my already wearied body."
25 By some, the rest of the sentence after this word (" priest") is placed at the beginning of the paragraph, after the word "contemned."
28 Jer. xvii. 5. [Here is an emphatic repudiation of what produced medieval indulgences, saint-worship, and Mariolatry. Of the latter, so pre-eminently the system of modern Rome, not a syllable in all these Fathers. "Quam ritus eccles. nescit." Bernard, Ep. clxxiv., Opp.., l. 389.]
29 [All the whole base on which "indulgences" and the like rest, is here shown to be worthless]
34 [i.e., the confessors awaiting martyrdom. See vol. iv. p. 693, note 2.]
44 [There can be no doubt where Cyprian would have been found in the times of Savonarola. See Perrens, Vie, etc., tom. ii. p. 350.]
45 [See p. 340, note 2, supra.]
46 Otherwise, "for the mercifulness of prayers."
47 Some read, "and fell down."
48 [What Cyprian testifies as of his own knowledge, we must accept as fact, however it be accounted for. For the rest, we may believe that the terrible excitements of the times led him to accept as real the exaggerated stories which became current. In our own days "the faith-cure" excites a like credulity.]
49 Some read, "of themselves;" others, "of their belongings."
51 "And receiving the blood as if some deadly poison," etc.; v. l.
52 [They carried the sacred bread in this manner to invalids at home. The idea of "worshipping the host," therefore, could not have been possible.]
54 [The holy bread was delivered into the hands of the recipient. See Cyril of Jerusalem, Mystagog., xxiii. 21.]
55 [ Luke xi. 20. The whole of scriptural teachings concerning these, requires renewed study. Consult Tillotson, Works, ii. 508, ed. 1722.]
56 [The kindly but unwise interposition of the confessors in their behalf. See vol. iii. p. 693, note 2.]
64 [See sec. 32, p. 446, infra. Note, not after this life.]
67 Song of the Three Children.
68 Some add, "to Thee, glory."
70 [Sec. 29, supra. "While still in this world."]
71 Isa. xxix. 10; Vulg. "transpunctionis."
74 [In view of Matt. xxv. 36.]
75 Instead of "and a poison," some read, "and sold."
1 [Written A.D. 252. Compare Tertullian, vol. iii. p. 681.]
2 1st, persevering and continuous, after the example of Christ our Lord: idly, watchful, and poured forth from the heart, after the example of the priest who, in the preface which precedes the prayer, prepares the minds of the brethren by saying Sursum Corda, to which the people answer Habemus ad Dominum; 3dly, associated with good works and alms, like that of Tobias and Cornelius; 4thly, at every hour of the day, and especially at the three hours appointed by the Church for prayer, to wit, the third, the sixth, and the ninth hour; and, moreover, we must pray morning and evening.
5 Mark vii 9. [On the Shemoneh Eshreh, Prideaux, I vi. 2]
7 [Compare John xiv. 6. How can we come to the Father by the Son more effectually than by using the words which the Son has taught? Dr. Johnson thought extemporaneous prayers very good if the Lord's Prayer were not omitted.]
13 Ps. iv. 4, "transpungimini."
14 Or, "In the heart, O God, ought we to worship Thee." ( Baruch vi 6.)
17 [Unity is never out of our author's mind or heart.]
18 Song of the Three Children, v. 28.
20 "Both the urgency and the agreement."
28 "A very evil seed, lawless children."
43 [See Hooker (a beautiful passage) in Walton's Life, "on the angels in heaven; " also, E. I., book v. cap. xxxv. at close.]
44 Some editions omit this "not."
45 This passage is differently read as follows: "And according as we say Our Father, so also we call Christ our bread, because He is ours as we come in contact with His body."
46 [Probably in times of persecution. See Freeman, Principles of Divine Service.]
49 [Not tied to actual daily reception, however. See the figure, 1 Kings xix. 7, 88. But see valuable note on (epiousioj) the supersubstantial bread. Cyril of Jerusalem, p. 277, Oxford trans. of the Mystagogic Lectures.]
57 [Thus the petition covers (I) our spiritual food, John vi. 27; and (2) our bodily sustenance, Matt. vi. 8.]
59 "Although none is innocent " is here added by some.
60 x John i. 8. [Connect with this, Matt. vi. 15, and compare Freeman on the Principles of Divine Service, vol. i. p. 417.]
62 Mark xi. 25. [Elucidation III,]
63 [Ps. lxviii. 6. Vulgate and Angl. Psalter]
64 [Cyprian was very mild in his position against the accusatio. of Stephen. Sec. 26, p. 386, supra; also Treatise ix., infra.]
82 [Such was the example of Cotton Mather. Magnalia, i. 35.]
86 [The antiquity of the Sursum Cordais here shown. Elucidation IV.]
89 [Should not this principle be more effectually taught?]
95 [By the apostles, as here mentioned. Acts iii. 1and passim.]
101 [On the Amensee Elucidation V. See vol. i. p. 186.]
2 Next, having reproached him with the unaccustomed kinds of tortures with which he tormented the Christians more severely than any other criminals, not for the purpose of making them confess, but of making them deny their faith, he shows the impotence of the gods,-as well because they themselves cannot defend themselves, and so Demetrianus, who pretended to avenge them, should rather be worshipped by them, than himself worship them;-as because, when expelled by Christians from possessed bodies, they themselves confess what they are. Nor indeed must the fall of kings, the destruction of property, and such like evils which accompanied the persecutions of Christians as a punishment from Heaven, be judged not to be punishments, because they were shared by the Christians themselves; inasmuch as all these things are a joy to them rather than a punishment. Accordingly, while there is time, he urges him to return to a better mind, or at least to dread the judgment and an ever burning hery Gehenna, In this tract Cyprian partly imitates Tertullian's Apologyand his treatise to Scapula, partly the Octaviusof Minucius Felix.
7 [Elucidation VI. See Commodian, vol. iv. 219.]
14 Jer. ii. 30. [Compare Aug., City of God, passim.]
16 Some read," But you do not serve God, by whom all things are ordained to your service; you do not wait upon Him," etc.
17 [" Aequali jure et pan lege." This would have furnished ground for Jefferson's famous sentence in the American Declaration of Independence. See also Franklin's sentiment, vol. i. p. 552, note 9. There is a very remarkable passage in Massillon which might have engendered the French Revolution had it been known to the people. See Petit Careme, On Palm Sunday, p 189, etc., ed. 1745.]
20 Some texts read, "fear or shame in sinning."
21 Or, "no pretence." Some add, "no fear."
28 Or, according to some, "of kings."
31 [Beautiful triumph of faith, "peace in believing! "]
32 Or, "whom you do not see not to suffer with yourself."
34 Otherwise read," to us the worshippers of God, and to His profane opponents."
40 [Ezek. ix. 4 ; Rev. vii. 3, 4.]
41 Or, according to some pleadings, "Be wise, therefore."
46 " From the deep and darkling night o( superstition" is another reading.
47 [Compare the Octaviusof Minucius Felix with this treatise, and also the other apologists, e.g., vol. ii, 93gg.]
1 [Written A.D. 247. Compare vol. ii. pp. 79, 136, 184, etc.]
2 Moreover, that it was manifest from their deceitful results, that nothing could be referred to auspices or auguries; nay, even those who acknowledged both one God and the demons, allowed that these illusions were the work of the demons, according to the testimony of the poets themselves, and Socrates, Plato, Trismegistus, and Hostanes. The second point, that God is one, he makes evident in a few words, as well from the greater dignity of a monarchy than of other forms of I government, as Crom the very expressions of the heathen and of the common people -" 0 God!" and the like. Finally, he treats of Christ more at large, crom the Jewish prophets and from the evangelical history.
3 Most editors read, "Castor and Pollux."
5 [" Litteras imprimere... signare nummos." How could the art of printing have failed to follow such inventions and such words? Every coin was a hint of the printer's art. God only could have restrained the invention till the set time. Dan. xii. 4.]
6 According to some readings, the words "an old man" are omitted.
7 The readings here vary much. The first part of the sentence is found in Minucius Felix, c. ax. [Vol. iv. p. 185.]
8 The following passage, accepted in some editions, is of doubtful authenticity; "To such an extent, indeed, were feigned the names of gods among the Romans, that there is even among them a god, Viduus, who widows the body from the soul-who, as being sap and funereal, is not kept within the walls, but placed outside; but who nevertheless, in that he is excluded, is rather condemned by the Roman religion than worshipped. There is also Scansus, so-called from ascents, and Forculus from doors, and Limentinus Crom thresholds, and Cardea from hinges, and Orbona from bereavement."
10 [2 Tim. iii. 13 See vol. iii. 68.]
11 [Vol. iii. p, III; also other apologists.]
12 [See vol. iii. p 179 elucidation.]
13 [Ps. lix. 11: and see p. 202, supra.]
14 "Of greater obedience and of stronger faith" is a varied reading here.
15 Some add, "and discipline."
16 " With the co-operation of the Holy Spirit," is perhaps a more probable reading. [See vol. iii. p. 609.]
17 [See Treatise xii. book ii. secs. 13 and 28, infra.]
18 " Set upon Him and " is here interpolated by some.
19 [John x. 18 See Pearson, Creed, art. v. p. 424]
1 Eusebius in his roniconmakes mention of the occasion on which Cyprian wrote this treatise, saying, "A pestilent disease took possession of many provinces of the whole world, and especially Alexandria and Egypt; as Dionysius writes, and the treatise of Cypnan `concerning the Mortality 0' bears witness." A.D. 252.
2 He says: "By whom were Christians,-grieved with excessive fondness at the loss of their friends, or what is of more consequence, with their decrease of faith,-comforted with the hope of things to come?" [See p. kg, supra.]
3 Then to the tacit objection that by this mortality they would be deprived of martyrdom, he replies that martyrdom is not in our power, and that even the spirit that is ready for martyrdom is crowned by God the judge. Finally, he tells them that the dead must not be bewailed in such a matter as that we should become a stumblingblock to the Gentiles, as if we were without the hope of a resurrec-tion. Rut if also the day of our summons should come, we must depart hence with a glad mind to the Lord, especially since we are departing to our country, where the large number of those dear to us are waiting for us: a dense and abundant multitude are longing for us, who, being already secure of their own immortality, are still solicitous about our salvation.
8 [To live by faith = to be just, through Christ the object of faith. The Fathers always accept "justification by faith." See Faber's Primitive Doctrine of Justificatioin; and compare Bull, Harmonia Apostolica.]
10 Baluzius interpolates here, without authority, "true."
16 [The Christian is not exempted from the common lot of humanity; but all men, if they would live godly, would escape many evils (1 Tim. vi. 6), even in the light of 2 Tim. iii. 12.]
17 A few codices read, for "the Spirit," " Christ."
20 Job i. 21. [" The Christian's sorrow," says Bishop Home, "is better than the world's joy." John xvi. 33.]
29 According to some, "the ship's helmsman." [Vol. i. 94.]
30 Some read, "of virtue." [In the Ignatian manner. Compare vol. i. p. 45.]
33 Some read, "rather it behoves us to rejoice."
38 Some originals read, "does not desire our blood, but asks for our faith."
39 [Sciamus non eos amitti sed praemitti. Current even in our day.]
40 [The clouds of black which are still customary in affliction are not according to the faith, in Cyprian's idea. Leighton, St. Peter, ii. 24.]
51 [A prelude to the Te Deum, and very possibly from a Western hymn: -Apostolorum gloriosus chorus; Prophetarum exultantium numerus; Martyrum innumerabilis populus.]
1 [Numbered x. in Oxford ed., assigned to A. D. 254.]
2 A slight and scarcely noticeable difference occurs here in the Oxford text, which reads the passage, "that the Son was sent, and willed to be called the Son of man."
3 Portaverat; "had brought" (Oxf. transl.).
4 "Poisons of the old serpent."
5 [The beauty of Cyprian's exordiums and perorations proves that he was a true orator. "Great and manifold," etc., Translators of King James.]
6 Prov. xvi. 6. [" By mercy and truth," etc., Eng. Version ]
10 1 John i. 8, 9. Oxford editors add: "If we confess our sin.i, the Lord is faithful and just to forgive us our sins." [They remind us that this passage is expounded in the Anglican Book of Homilies, Hom. xi. part ii. p. 347, ed. Philadelphia, 1844.]
16 Some editors read "parcens " instead of "patiens," making the meaning "sparing to thy sins."
19 Some have read for "satientur," "farciantur," and others "socientur," "be filled up," or" be associated."
20 Other translators read, "in the upper chamber."
24 "When He would show to one who had observed the law how to become perfect and finished" (Oxf. transl.).
34 Some editors read, "the resources of life."
38 "Him who knows it," Oxford translation.
39 [Prov. i. 19 "The eagle stole a lamb from the altar," say the Rabbims, "to feed his young; but a coal from the altar came with it, and burnt up nest and all."]
40 According to Manutius, Pamelius, and others, "too heavily" is here added.
43 These words, "in Christ's Churcb," are omitted in a few texts.
44 [See Tertullian, vol. iv. p. 19; and for men, p. 22. Also, "eyelid-powder," p. 23.]
45 "Corban." [The note of the Oxford translation is useful in this place, quoting from Palmer, Antiq., iv. 8. But see Pellicia, Polity, etc., p. 237, trans. London, Masters, 1883.]
47 This is differently read "a widow, a poor widow is found," etc.; or, "a woman widowed and poor."
52 [See p. 479, supra, note y. [Prov. xi. 24.]
54 [" The howse shall be preserved and never will decaye Wheare the Almighty God is honored and served, daye by daye." This motto I copied from an old oaken beam in the hall of Rockingham Castle, with date A.D. 1579. In 1875 I saw the householder kneeling under this motto, with all his family and servants, daily.]
55 The original is variously read "foenerat" and "commodat."
60 Some editors add here, "warned by Thy precepts, and who shall receive heavenly things instead of earthly."
64 This appears to be the less usual reading, the ordinary one being "equity."
65 A morc ancient reading seems to be, "of return" (scil. "reditionis").
1 Having at the outset distinguished true patience from the false patience of philosophers, he commends Christian patience by the patience of God, of Christ, and of all righteous men. He further proves, as well by Scripture as by reason, and, moreover, by the instances of Job and Tobias, that not only is patience useful, but that it is needful also; and in order that the excellence of patience may shine forht the more by contra.it with the vice opposed to it, he sets forth what is the evil of impatience. Finally, he reproves the desire of vengeance, and teaches that revenge ought, according to Scripture, to be left to God rather than to be arrogated to ourselves. If in any writing Cyprian is an imitator of Tertullian, assuredly in this he imitates that writer's treatise On Patience. [See vol. iii. p. 707.]
2 [Hermas, vol. ii. 23, 49; also Tertullian p 714. and elucidation, p. 717.]
6 The Oxford edition (Treatise ix.), and many others read "patient."
8 The original here is read variously "maturescere" and" mitescere."
10 Mal. iii. 7. The Oxford edition omits this quotation, and introduces the next with the words, "And again the prophet."
13 [" Deus patiens quia aeternus" (Augustine).]
15 Baluzius reads, "compares obaudientes "-His obedient peers. The mss. have "obaudientes" only.
16 Erasmus adds, "with patience."
17 [This sublime passage recalls Bacon's Paradoxes. See p. 237, note 3, supra.]
18 Some editors insert "and patient."
19 [1 Tim. i. 3. A striking suggestion, put in our author's terse way.]
21 [See Elucidation VII. The Trent Council itself (on Matt. xvi. 18) affirms this of the Creed, not Peter. Vol. iv. pp. 99 and 101.]
22 1 Pet. ii, 21-23, with a singular departure from the received text.
23 According to some, "parricidal."
25 [How practical this treatise in an age when to be a Christian meant to be prepared for all these things! "Fiery trials" the chronic state.]
30 A common reading here is "giving" instead of" showing," scil. "praestante" for "representante."
34 The older editions have "gustatam," "tasted," instead of "gestatam," " carried," as above. [See page p. 350, supra. Also St. Cyril. Elucidation VIII.]
37 Manutius, Pamelius, and others add, "not only seventy times seven times."
38 Or, "them with the stedfastness of patience," etc.
42 [Admirably worked out in Messiasand Anti-Messias, by the Rev. C. I. Black, ed. London, Masters, 1854.]
43 [The downfall of Novatian and of Arius and others seems largely attributable to this sin. They could not await God's time to give them influence and power for good. See quotation from Massillon, vol. iii. p. 718, this series. Also Tertull., iii. p. 677.]
44 The Oxford edition adds here, according to some authorities, "and will not put off the recompense of evils until that day of last judgment, we exhort you, for the meanwhile, embrace with us this benefit of patience, that," etc.; and it omits the following ten words.
45 On the authority of one codex, Pamelius here adds, "and envious."
47 "Dearest brethren," Oxford edit.
56 [Origen, vol. iv. p. 544, this series.]
57 Rev. xxii. 9; [also Rev. xix. 10. And compare Acts x. 26, and Acts xiv. 14, 15; also Col. ii. 18.]
1 [This is numbered xii. in Oxford trans., and is assigned to A.D. 256.]
2 The deacon Pontius thus briefly suggests the purpose of this treatise in his Life of Cyprian: "Who was there to restrain the ill blood arising from the envenomed malignity of envy with the sweet ness of a wholesome remedy?"
4 According to some, "of our members."
5 [The nude in art, the music of the opera, and sensual luxury of all sorts, are here condemned. And compare Clem. Alex., vol. ii. p. 249, note II, this series.]
6 [Chrysostom, vol. iv. p. 473, ed. Migne. This close practical preaching is a lesson to the younger clergy of our days.]
8 Wisd. ii. 24. [So Lactantius, Institutes, book ii. cap. ix. in vol. vii., this series.]
9 [Chrysostom, vol. iv. p. 473, ed. Migne. This close practical preaching is a lesson to the younger clergy of our days.]
11 Variously "semel " or "simul."
13 Or, with some editors, "more increased in honours." [To be purged from a Christian's heart like a leprosy from the body. See Jeremy Taylor, sermon xix., Apples of Sodom. Quotation from Aelian, vol. i, p. 717.]
14 [The sin of Novatian and Arius. See p. 489, note 3, supra.]
15 [Another specimen of our author's pithy condensations of thought and extraordinary eloquence.]
19 Erasmus and others give this reading. Baluzins, Routh, and many codices, omit "vulnus," and thus read, "what is seen."
20 [" It punishes the delinquent in the very act." Jer. Taylor, ut supra, p. 492, also Anselm, Opp., i. 682, ed. Migne.]
21 Luke ix. 48. [Elucidation IX.]
22 [And all ground for a supremacyamong brethren was here absolutely ejected from the Christian system. The last of the canonical primates of Rome named himself Servus Servorum Deito rebuke those who would make him "Universal Bishop."]
29 Or, according to ancient authority, "of confession and martyrdom." [Note this clear conception of the root-principle of the true martyr, and compare Treatise xi. infra.]
31 Or, "I have given you milk to drink, not meat," is read by some.
37 " And engenderine in the sons of God."-Oxford ed.
41 Or, "that one should be such; " or, "that thou shouidst be such."
44 Pamelius, from four codices, reads, "Let there be -the divine reading before the eyes, good works in the hands."
45 [" Habet et pax coronas suas." Comp. Milton, Sonnetxi.]
46 The Oxford translator gives "blackness:" the original is "livor."
47 Or "myrrh," variously given in originals as "myrrham " or "merrham."
48 [" Unde vulneratus fuels, inde curare." Lear, act ii. sc. 4.]
49 "A fellow-heir," according to Baluzius and Routh.
51 "Return" is a more common reading.
52 Routh omits the word "heavenly," on the authority of fourteen codices.
1 [Oxford number, xiii. Assigned to A.D. 252 or 257.]
2 [In the Council of Carthage, A.D. 256, a bishop of Tucca is so named.]
4 [Compare, On the Glory of Martyrdom, this volume, infra. This treatise seems a prescient admonition against the evils which soon after began to infect the Latin theology.]
5 [Note this chronological statement, and compare vol. ii. p. 334, note 5, and Elucidation XV. p. 346, same volume.]
6 Some read, "bravely abiding in the footsteps of Christ."
7 [Compare the paradox of Rev. vii. 14.]
8 [" Baptisma post quod nemo jam peccat." This gave "the baptism of blood" its grand advantage in the martyrs' eyes.]
9 The Oxford edition here adds, "in the place of gods."
10 [The astronomical idols seem to have been the earliest adopted (Job xxxi. 27), and so the soul degraded itself to lower forms and to mere fetichismby a process over and over again repeated among men. Rom. i. 21, 23.]
11 Ps. cxxxv. 15-18, cxv. 4-8.
14 Pamelius and others read here, "the gods who rule over the world," apparently. taking the words from the thirteenth chapter of the book of Wisdom, and from the Testimonies, iii. 59, below, wher they are quoted.
34 The Oxford edition inserts here, "Thou shalt inquire diligently; and if thou shalt find that that is certain which is said."
36 Or, "for a man who does not suffer."
42 The Oxford edition adds, "because neither did He account of anything before us."
48 The Oxford edition here interpolates, "if they find themselves in straits and tribulations."
58 Oxford edition: "For every one that striveth for the mastery is temperate in all things."
64 [Vol. i., Justin, pp. 242, 244; Barnabas, ibid., pp. 144, 145.]
71 Ps. cxviii. 6. [The text adopts the old Latin numbering.]
72 The Oxford editor reads, "Their feet are bound."
74 Ps. xxvii. 3, 4. [The text is numbered by the old Latin.]
77 The common reading is, "through the fire, the flame," etc.
82 [Confirmed in the New Testament, as if on purpose to silence unbelief (2 Pet. ii. 16). Cyprian is one of the,few divines who note the light thrown on Balaam's inspiration by the fact that even a dumb beast might be made to speak words, not of his own will.]
91 [Irenaeus, vol. i. p. 557; also p. 551, and Barnabas, ib., p. 146.]
92 "Petrum" is the reading of Migne; but by far the more authoritative reading is "Petram," "a rock."
93 [The seven churches were none of them founded by St. Peter. The mother here referred to is therefore the Ecclesia Catholica.]
95 2 Macc. vii. 9. [Heb. xi. 35.]
96 " To eternal life " is omitted in the Oxford edition.
99 "How great" is added in some editions.
102 "Thus it shall turn out that you," etc., is the Oxford reading.
104 [This is noteworthy, for obvious reasons.]
107 In many editions this clause is wanting.
118 "The eyes of the earth are closed" is the reading of other editions.
119 [It is hard for us to retain the fact that for three hundred years to be a Christian was to be a martyr, at least in spirit and in daily liability. 1 Cor. xv. 31; 1 Pet. iv. 12.]
1 [Addressed to Quirinus, and dated A.D. 248.]
2 This sentence is otherwise read, "whereby it may be perceived and known that it is He Himself who was foretold."
3 [P. 227, note 3, supra. I cannot but note repeatedly how absolutely the primitive Fathers relied on the Holy Scriptures, and commended a Berean use of them. Acts xvii. 11.]
4 [The canon assumed to be universally known.]
5 [These twenty-four propositions are specially worthy of the consideration of the young theologian who would clearly comprehend the Old Law and the New as St. Paul has expounded them in his Epistle to the Romans, and elsewhere.]
14 The word- "and again" are sometimes omitted; and sometimes "Moreover, in the same place."
22 According to the Oxford edition: "The turtle and the swallow knoweth its time," etc.
23 Six ancient authorities have "your measurement."
33 2 Cor. iii. 14-16. There is a singular confuson in the read of this quotation. The translator has followed Migne's text.
39 The Burgundian codex reads, "are justified."
50 This appears to be the natural reading, but it restson slight authority; the better accredited reading being "seminis" for "feminis."
69 John ii. 19 ; Mark xiv. 58.
74 Mal. i, 11. [P. 251, note 1, supra. The oblation of Melchizedek. Gen. xiv. 18. The Oxford translator adds, "with the incense of pious prayers." See Justin, vol. i. p. 215, cap. xli., and Irenaeus, vol. i. p, 484.]
82 1 Sam. ii. 5. [Compare Treatise xi. p. 503, supra.]
84 The quotation in the Oxford edition begins from this point.
86 Gen. xlviii. 17-19. The whole of this quotation is wanting in morc than one codex.
87 "Frutice." The Oxford translator has here, without any authority as it appears, from the text, adopted the reading of the Vulgate, "ad praedam." Cyprian has used the LXX., reading apparently, ek Blastou. The Hebrew rv+m)
gives a colour to either reading. See Gesenius, lLex. in voce rv+
88 Original, "ad cilicium; " LXX. th eliki,"the tendril of the vine; " Oxford trans. "the choice vine."
98 Oxford edition adds "Galilee."
106 This second clause, "Behold, they who serve me shall drink," is wanting in some editions.
118 [Condidit. Bull, Opp., v. p. 515 ekthsato, Jerome; ektisealii, See Justin, vol. i. p. 264; Athenagoras, vol. ii. p. 133; Clement, ib., p. 194; and see note, Oxford translation. See Irenaeus, vol. i. p. 488.]
127 [The house = the Church: the seven pillars = Isa. xi. 2, 3; her table = the Lord's table; her cup = the sacrament of the Blood; her loaves =of the Body. Then her servants = preachers. So old authors.]
, Hebrew. logon, Sept. Verbum, Vulg. Matter, Eng. and Angl. Psalter.]
135 [Hence the Spirit, "the finger of God." Luke xi. 20.]
141 Original: "Rotas vehiculi triturantis novas in se retornatas." The Oxford edition reads the three last words, "in serras formatas: " and the translator gives, "the wheels of a thrashing instrument made with new teeth."
142 Some editions omit "and the elm."
143 Isa. xli. 15-20. [Irenaeus, vol. i. p. 487. "Word and Wisdom = hands."]
144 [i.e., the Jehovah-Angel. See Tertullian, vol. iii. p. 335.]
146 Scil. "Beth-el," "the house of God."
150 Ex. xxiii. 20, 21. [See Tertullian, vol. iii. p. 335, a valuable passage. De Maistre has something to say on this, quite to the purpose. See Bull passim: e.g., vol. v. pp. 21-26, 33, 40; 745-760.]
153 Otherwise, "My covenant was with life and peace."
185 Isa. vii. 10-15. The ordinary reading here is "before He knows, to refuse the evil and to choose the goad." the reading in the text, however, is more authentic.
189 [Here the English (q. v.) gives the more literal reading, which the Septuagint treats as a proverb, unfolding its sense. "Water from the bucket" seems to have signified the same as our low proverb "a chip from the block," hence = a Son from the Father. Num. xxiv. 7.]
190 The Oxford translator follows the English version, and reads, "over Agag."
203 " Infirmatus; " Oxford transl. "bruised."
204 Isa. liii. 1-7. [See p. 516, supra.]
209 "Poderem," "a long priestly robe reaching to the heels" (Migne's Lexicon). The Oxford translation gives the meaning "an alb," which also is given in Migne.
210 Cidarim, the head-dress for the Jewish high priest.
212 " Innomine; " Oxford translator, "at the name," following the Eng. ver. But see the Greek, en tw onomati.
214 The Oxford translation here inserts from the Apocrypha, without authority even for its text, "and objecteth to us the transgressions of the law."
216 Isa. lvii. 1, 2. [Justin, vol. i. 203.]
220 [Tertull., iii. p. 166. Note also "the mysteryof the passion."]
222 Migne's reading differs considerably from this, and is as follows: ! "They shall take from the lambs and the goats of its blood, and shall place it upon the two posts," etc.
223 Erasmus reads for "picridibus," "lactucis agrestibus," wild lettuces.
228 Isa. xxviii. 16. [See Tertull.,"stumbling-stone," vol. iii. p. 165.]
234 [The anointingof this stone gave it the name of Messiahin our author's account; and this interpretation gives great dignity to Jacob's dying reference to Him, Gen. xlix. 24.] The Oxford edition omits "and descending."
235 The Oxford edition reads, "conquered, that is, in that part of the head."
236 [Hippolytus, p. 209, supra.]
252 Isa. lxv. 2. [So Justin, vol. i. pp. 179 and 206 But compare Isa. xxv. 11, a remarkable simile.]
255 [This is one of the passages corrupted by the Jews since the crucifixion. See Pearson, On the Creed, p. 534. All his notes on "crucified" are most precious.]
268 [i.e., baptized; but probably alter immersion this symbolic ceremony was already in use.]
272 "And behold," Oxford text.
275 Amos viii. 9, 10. [Lardner, Credib., vol. vii. pp. 107-124.]
276 Jer. xv. 9. [I admire Lardner's caution: possibly he carries it too far. ]
277 Matt. xxvii. 45. [See vol. iii. p. 58.]
289 One codex reads here, "living in the assembly of the saints."
315 [i.e., rather "a good Word." See p. 516, supra.]
324 The words "which He shall feed," or" shepherd," are wanting in the Apocalypse; and they are not found in many authorities.
326 [Said to be in the old Itala, as in some Greek mss. So Irenaeus, vol. p. 524.]
328 [Whom he had probably baptized. Elucidation XI.]
329 [Whom he had probably baptized. Elucidation XI.]
330 [May the American editor of these volumes venture to trust that be has in some degree lightened the labours of those who come after him: "laboravi semel ne tu semper laborares."]
331 [Six-score precepts to be compared with the heathen maxims and morals with which they so generally conflict. See Elucidation XII.]
332 "Cirrum in capite non habendum." "Cirrus" means "a tuft of hair," or a curl or lovelock. [But compare Clement, vol. ii. p. 286(and the note, on the chrism), for the more probable meaning.]
333 Scil. "of baptism," Oxford transl.
334 "Impotentium commerciorum."
360 The Oxford edition inserts here, "an hungered, and fed Thee: thirsty, and gave Thee drink'! when saw we Thee -"
384 Matt. v. 23, 24. [I think this harmonizes with Heb. xiii 10.]
415 Eph. iv. 30, 31. [For the sealing, see Acts xix. 6, Heb. vi. 2]
454 Ecclus. xxiii. 11. From some ancient text the Oxford edition adds here, "Et si frustra juraverit dupliciter punietur "-"and if he swear with no purpose, he shall be punished doubly."
455 Matt. v. 34-37. All these passages are wanting in the Oxford text; [also in ed. Paris, 1574].
456 Ex. xx. 7. [Compare old Paris ed. on this section.]
469 Reputationibus; possibly "complainings."
510 Ps. cxi. 10. [Tertull., vol. iii. 264.]
515 Ps. ii. 11. The whole of the remainder of this section, except the two concluding quotations from the Psalms, is wanting in many editions.
520 There is considerable departure here from the Apocalyptic text, for which it is not easy to account. [But this is an interesting fact as bearing upon the question of an original African version made from a family of mss.. now extinct.]
523 Song of the Three Children, 14-19.
557 1 Sam. ii. 25. [i.e, he regards this text as expounded by the preceding words of Christ. Compare 1 John v. 16.]
560 The whole of this quotation, as it is called, from Baruch, is wanting in all codices but two. It is remarkable, as finding no place in any text of Scripture, nor in any translation, whether Greek or Latin.
561 Personales fidei. This, like many other expressions in this strange passage, gives no clue to a meaning.
567 Unice; but some read unigeniti, "only-begotten."
570 [This section is confined to Scripture, and goes not beyond the word of the Divine Wisdom, as do some of the Fathers.]
583 Rev. xviii. 4-9. The Oxford text reads "deliciis" instead of "deiictis,"-making the last clause, "and have walked in delicacies."
589 1 Pet. iii. 4. [This limitation to "Pontus" is curious.]
591 [Gr. wj allotrioepiskopoj; a strange expression. This is St. Paul's canon (Greek) of jurisdiction, which he expounds, 2 Cor. x. 13, 14Comp. Gal. ii. 9. Showing, by the way, the limits of Peter's jurisdiction, "measure," or metron tou kanonoj. Note 15, p.544, supra.]
608 [The oath on the Bible in our courts, and other Christian forms, are important in Christian morals, as bearing upon our right to seek redress at the law, while it is Christianlaw.]
611 Some read" exspectamus," "we wait for it."
613 1 Cor. xiv. 34, 35. [Women might have spiritual gifts, like the daughters of Philip, Acts xxi. 9; but even such are here forbidden to use them in the public worship of the Church.]
618 The Oxford edition has "the fourteenth." [Elucidation XIII.]
626 [Hab. i. 16 ; Ps. cxxxi. 1.]
632 [The aphoristic force of these "heads" is often striking in the original; e.g., "Dei arcana perspici non posse, et ideo fidem nostram simplicem esse debere."]
662 Some read "amabiles," "amiable."
676 Ex. xx. 4. This section closes bere, according to the Oxford text. The Lespzic edition continues as in the above reading.
677 Jer. x. 2-5, 9, 11, ii. 12,13, 19, 20, 27.
679 Migne refers this to Jer. li. 15-18, but there is nothing corresponding to it in the passage.
703 1 Kings xi. 4. [Surely this principle is important in teaching fathers and mothers how to guard the social relations of children.]
713 2 Thess. iii. 6. [A very noteworthy safeguard of apostolic ordinances; but mark the charity with which it is softened, 2 Thess. iii. 14, 15. Compare also cap. ii. 15.]
741 Lev. xix 27. [See p. 530, Supra, the note and reference.]
742 Lev. xix. 27. [Compare Clement, vol. ii. p. 280, this series.]
749 Ps. lxviii. 6. [So Vulgate and Anglican Psalter.]
759 [Note, not to be worshipped, but received.]
776 [Converts preparing far baptism. Apostolical Constitutions, and Bunsen's Hippolytrus, vol. iii. pp. 3-24.]
781 Matt. xxi. 13. The latter clause of this quotation is omitted by the Oxford editor.
797 Oxford edition, "to Titus."
800 [Elucidation XII. See p. 528, supra.]
812 Ps. vi. 5. [Here, as often, the grave is represented as enjoying a temporary victory, for the flesh is no longer capable of worship. Not till the whole man is restored comes 1 Cor. xv. 54, 55.]
821 In one codex, from this point all the rest is wanting.
825 Ps. i. 2. The Oxford edition continues; "Likewise in Soloman; `Be not hindered from praying ever, and delay not unto death to be justified; for the repayment of the Lord abideth for ever. 0'" [In a day when there were few Bibles, and no printed books, no concordances, and no published collections of this sort, reflect on the value of this treatise to a young believer, and on the labour of his pastor in making it.]
826 For the Ultramontane side, consult the Histoire de Photius, etc., par M. l'Abbe Jager, p. 41, ed. Paris, 1854. For the Greeks, La Papaute Schismatique, etc., par M. l'Abbe Guettee (pp. 286, 288, etc.), Paris, 1863.
827 "Whatever is said in commendation of St. Peter is at once transferred to the occupant of the papacy, as if pasce oues meas had been said to Pius IX." Burgon, Letters from Rome, p. 411, ed. 1862.
828 Compendium Rutyakus Romani, etc., Baltimori, 1842, p. 195.
829 Burgon, Letters from Rome, p. 417.
830 Th. C. Cypriani de Unitate Ecclesiae ad optimorum librorum fidem expressa, cum variis lectionibus, ad notationibus Fellii, Baluzii, etc., instructa. Curante M. F. Hyde, M.A., etc, Burlingtoniae, MDCCCLII.
832 New York Independent, April 25;, 1878.
833 Hippolytus, vol. iv. p. 161.
836 Note a striking use of it, as a name of Christ, by Commodian, vol. iv. 43, p. 211.
837 Num. v. 22; Deut. xxvii. 15; 1 Kings i. 36; 2 Chron. xvi. 36; Jer. xxviii. 6; in the Psalms passim.
838 Vol. iii. cap. xxvii. p. 690, this series.
840 A most instructive work, though I by no means accept his theories in full.
841 Guettee, p. 143, ed. New York.
842 Compare Peshito Syriac, where Cephas is the very word applied to all believers. Ed. Trostii, 1621.
843 Richter, Canones et Decreta, etc., p. 10, ed. Lipsiae, 1863.
847 See Barrow, Works, vol. iii. p. 95, ed New York, 1845.
849 The Principles of the Cyprianic Age, etc., A.D. 1695. Reprinted, Edinburgh, 1846.
850 Leighton, On St. Peter, i. 2, Works, i. p.30, London, 1870.
852 Scrivener, Introduction, etc., p. 302, ed. 1874.
853 Jordan overflows its banks at the time of the passover, Josh. iii. 15, Josh. v. 10, 11.
857 See that very useful little publication of the S. P. C. K., Dr. Littledale's Plain Reasons against Joining the Church of Rome, pp. 18 and 205.
858 See vol. ii. p. 202, note 5.
859 Lecky, History of European Morals, vol. ii. p. 8, ed. New York, 1872. See vol. ii. p. 202, note 5.
1 [On councils, see Oxford trans., pp 232, 240.]
2 Of this council there exists no further memorials than such as have been here collected from Cyprian, and from St. Augustine, De Baptista contra Donatistas, book iii. ch. iv., v., and vi., and book vii. ch. i.; and in these nothing else is contained than the judgments of the eighty-seven bishops on the nullity of baptism administered by heretics. If any one desires to see these judgments impugned, let him consult Augustine as above. The results of this council are given in Ep. lxxi. p. 378, supra.
3 Of course this implies a rebuke to the assumption of Stephen, ["their brother," and forcibly contrasts the spirit of Cyprian with that of his intolerant compeer].
4 [This, then is the primitive idea of the relations existing, mutually, among bishops as brethren.]
5 Scil. of Mauritania; possibly, says the Oxford translator, Bidil, Bita, or "urbs Abitensis."
7 According to some editions, "the sacrilegious man," etc.
9 By the despotism of Stephen.
10 A city of Zeugitana. Augustine calls this bishop Felix, and speaks of him as the first of that name who spoke.- Fell.
11 This is the Polycarp referred to in Ep. xliv. p. 322, Supra. Adrumetum was a colony on the coast, about eighty-five miles from Carthage.
13 In Mauritania Caesariensis.
18 [He has no idea that this voice proceeds from any one bishop.]
22 [This appeal to Scripture against Stephen must be noted, whatever we may think of his conclusions.]
29 Ep. liii. p. 336, supra. Munnulus is mentioned as one of the bishops who write with Cyprian to Cornelius. He is there called "Monulus."
31 [Testimony to the meaning of the Holy Catholic Church in the Nicene Creed.]
33 Perhaps Quidias in Mauritania Caesariensis.
35 In Numidia. Here was held the Donatist "Concilium Bagaiense" of 310 bishops (Oxford ed.).
37 The See of St. Augustine in Numidia, 218 miles from Carthage, and 160 miles from Hippo Diarrhytus. See p. 571, infra.
38 Badea, or Badel, in Numidia.
40 Tucca-terebinthina in Zeugitana.
41 [Evidently he never suspects that Stephen is the rock.]
42 Thuburbo, or Thuburbis, in Zeugitana.
43 A city of Numidia Byzacenae.
45 A city of Numidia Ptolemais.
46 [Stephen and those who accept his ideas.]
48 Perhaps Nova Caesaris in Numidia.
49 In Zeugitana, on the borders of Tunis.
51 A colony variously called Tabraca or Tabathra.
53 Or Buruch, probably Bourka in Numidia.
54 This clause is omitted in the larger number of editions.
56 Sicca Veneria, a city of Zeugitana.
59 "Let the reader observe here, as elsewhere, that the word `Trinity 0'is simply used for the persons of the Godhead" (Oxford edit.).
62 (Here is a concession that at least the local custom could be pleaded by Stephen.]
65 "Damatcore," or "Vamaccore," in Numidia.
66 [Here we may think as we choose as to this conclusion, but the appeal to Holy Scripture proves that this is the only infallible authority.]
69 Aeptij Mikra-a city of Byzacena.
70 Tabors, a city of Mauritania Caesariensis.
71 Apparently in reference to Mark xvi. 17, 18.
74 A city of Zeugitana -" Sicilibra," thirty-four miles from Carthage.
75 Probably "Garra," a city of Mauritania Caesariensis, or "Garriana," a city of Byzacena.
76 [Referring to Acts xxii. 16 and John xx. 23.]
77 A city of Zeugitana, famous as being the place of Cato's death now called Byzerta.
78 Scil. "urbs," a city of Byzacena. The epithet refers to its being a place frequented by the veterans of German cohort, and distinguishes it from "Abbiritana."
85 Otherwise "Bobba," a city of Mauritania.
89 This seems to be "Ausana" or "Ausagga."
91 The Oxford reads "Another Saturninus."
93 Manifestly, says the Oxford editor, this expression refers to "Jupiter the father of gods and men."
94 A city of Numidia; the scene of Hannibal's overthrow by Scorpio.
95 (The Nicene Creed is emphatic in the article based on this idea; and it proves that the primitive discipline of penitence was not in those days a "sacrament of absolution," to which all were compelled to submit. Private confessions seem to have been unknown.]
96 "Usilla," a city of Byzacena.
97 Possibly "Cerbaliana" in Byzacena.
99 [The bearings of this simple statement upon the later claims of Stephen's See must not be overlooked.]
100 A city of Numidia Byzacenae.
102 A city of Zeugitana; some read "Tumida."
104 A city of Mauritania Caesariensis. Fell observes that in Numidia are many cities of the name of "Nova" or "Noba."
105 A city of Zeugitana. There were two cities of the name - Boullaria, or Bulla Regia, and Boullaminsa, or Bulla Minor. The latter is probably referred to.
106 Otherwise "Memosita," a city of Zeugitana. It is also written "Membrosa."
109 [Custom, then, was elsewhere established: and it ultimately prevailed; whether against truth or not, need not here be discussed.]
110 This is supposed to be "Antenti," a city of Byzacene.
112 Mention of the Bishop of Marcelliana is found in Natitia Episcopatus Africae.
113 A village belonging to Byzacene, seventy-five miles from Carthage.
117 Called in some editions "a martyr from the schismatics."
120 [Noteworthy examples of episcopal modesty. In the colleges of bishops, however, it is now usual to call upon juniors first, that, if they should think differently from older brethren, their free opinion need not be restrained by deference.]
121 A city of Zeugitana, called Diarrhytus because of the number of the streams that water it. The name is otherwise read "Hippo Diarrhytorum."
122 A city of Zeugitana, sometimes written "Assapha."
124 "Lambesa," a city of Numidia.
125 A city of Numidia, otherwise Gausafna (Ptol.) and Gazofula(Procop.)
126 There are four cities in Africa of this name.
127 A city of Numidia, otherwise called "Octabum."
128 [Noteworthy examples of episcopal modesty. In the colleges of bishops, however, it is now usual to call upon juniors first, that, if they should think differently from older brethren, their free opinion need not be restrained by deference.]
130 [This is Cyprian's theory of the origin of the episcopate. Elucidation infra.]
132 This is otherwise called "Cululi," a city of Bytacena.
134 This Litteus is mentioned in Ep. lxxvi. p. 402, supra.
135 A city of Numidia. A Roman colony was planted there under the Emperor Hadrian.
137 Probably the same to whom 1xxiii. (p. 386, supra) was written.
139 A city of Tripolis, thus distinguished from Leptis parva.
141 [Here Cyprian sums up, and gives the sentence of the council, after the example of St. James, who presided in the Council of Jerusalem, Acts xv. 13, 199.]
142 See p. 522, sec. 16 supra. All this interprets the Petra, not "Petrus."
143 [A strong testimony in its favour. It is quite possible that the less worthy portions are corrupt interpolations.]
1 [See Ben Jonson, Volpone, Ep. Dedicatory.]
2 Obviously imitating Tertullian's treatise De Spectaculis. [See vol. iii. p. 79.]
3 He then prosecutes the subject, by going through the several kinds of public exhibitions, and sets forth, a limit more diffusely than in the Epistle to Donatus, what risks are incurred by the spectators, and especially in respect of those exhibitions wherein, as he says, "representations of lust convey instruction in obscenity." Finally, he briefly enumerates such exhibitions as are worthy of the interest of a Christian man, and in which he ought rightfully to find pleasure. [For Epistle to Donates, see p. 275, supra.]
7 [In Edin. trans. needlessly "the writings of the Scriptures."]
8 " Cum persona professionis suae loquatur."
9 Baluzius reads with less probability "indecorum," "anything unbecoming." The reading adopted in the text is, according to Fell, "nde eorum."
11 The Oxford text here has the reading, "Why does he speak of it? why does he," etc.
12 [It is painfnl to recognise, in the general licence of the press in our country, this very feature of a corrupt civilization,-a delight in scandal, and in the invasion of homes and private affairs, for the gratification of the popular appetite.]
13 [Compare Clement, vol. ii. p. 248, note 5, and p. 249, notes 2, 11.]
14 [This touches a point important to the modern question. It is said, "Oh! but these Fathers denounced only those heathen spectacles of which idolatry was part," etc. The reply is sufficiently made by our author.]
15 There is much confusion in the reading of this passage, which in the original runs, according to Baluzius: "Nam cum mens hominis advitia ipsa ducatur, quid faciet, si habuerit exempla naturae corporis lubrica quae sparta cornuit? Quid faciet si fuerit impulsa?"
16 [Compare Clement, vol. p. 256, and note 1.
17 [De Maistre, who is a Christian, with all his hereditary prejudice and enslavement, has a fine passage in the opening of his Soirees de St. Petersbourg, which the reader will enjoy. It concludes with this saying: "Les coeurs pervers n'ont jamais de belles nuits ni de beaux jours." P. 7. vol. i. See vol. iv. p. 173, this series.]
18 [Always the sacred Scriptures are held up as capable of yielding delight as well as profit to the believer. The works of God and His word go together. Col. iii. 16.]
19 [There is much in the above treatise which is not unworthy of Cyprian. As to questions of authenticity, however, experts alone should venture upon an opinion. Non nobis tantas componere lites.]
1 [Erasmus doubts as to the authorship, judging from the style. Pamelius is sure it is Cyprian's.]
2 In place of reward, he sets before them not only security from the fear of Gehenna, but also the attainment of everlasting life, describing both alternatives briefly in a poetical manner. He points out, that to some, martyrdom serves as a crown, while to others who are baptized in their own blood, it serves as redemption. Finally, when from the Scriptures he has stirred up his readers to confession of the name of Christ, he asks them to remember him when the Lord begins to honour martyrdom in them, since the Lord is known not to deny such as they when they ask Him for anything.
3 "Habena;" but according to Baluzius "avena," "an oatstraw."
4 [ Acts ix. 5. The principle is recognised in the words, "Ye did it unto me," where Christ identifies Himself with members of His body. Oh, the condescension! Heb. ii. 11.]
5 [ Ps. lxiv. 3. The revilings of the multitude are reckoned by the Psalmist among the most cruel tortures of Christ: and we cannot doubt that the early Christians found the like cruelty of the heathen a daily martyrdom, before they came to their crowning passion. Compare Tertullian, vol. iii. p. 712.]
8 "Coguntur," or "coquuntur," -"are matured."
9 [The heathen attributed this pestilence to the "atheism" of Christians, and hence persecuted them the more fiercely; and, as it was better to die by martyrdom than by the pestilence, he thus speaks. Death an advantage. Shaks., Hen. V., act. iv. sc. 1.]
12 [The sufferings of this life are here supposed to be retributive in the case of those who must be weaned from the world. Martyrs have weaned themselves, and go gladly to their rest.]
15 [The terrible pictures in S. Stefano Rotondo (see p. 288, supra] might seem to have been taken from this graphic treatise. Can our faith and love be compared with that of these sufferers?]
16 [To me, these dramatic narrations of what was going on among the crowds that gazed upon the tortures of Christ's witnesses, are very suggestive of the whole scene. Compare pp. 295-296, supra.]
23 [The adoption of "the sign of the cross," after the immersion of baptism, is referable to this martyr-age. It was meant to impress the idea of soldiership.]
24 Matt. iii. 10. [Elucidation II.]
28 Gal. vi. 14. [Compare Ep. xxv. p. 303, supra.]
33 [ Rev. vi. 9; also vol i. p. 486, note 10, this series.]
34 [" Si tamen qui Christi compares estis aliquando peccastis;" not very happily translated, but extravagant at best.]
35 [Think, I say again, of three hundred years of such "fiery trial," so marvellously sustained, and we shall gain new views of Christ's power to perfect His own strength in human weakness. The life of these Christians was a conscious daily warfare against "the world, the flesh, and the devil;" and we must recognise this in all judgments of their discipline and their modes of thought.]
1 [Not reckoned by Erasmus as worthy of Cyprian. Pamelius . thinks otherwise.]
2 [This illustrates pp. 322 and 389, note 7.]
3 [" So dear to Heaven is saintly Chastity, etc."-Milton, Comus, 455.]
4 [Holy men have generally recognised this rule as ennobling the estate of matrimony. See Jeremy Taylor, Holy Living, cap. ii. sec. 3.]
5 [This natural law, renewed in Christ, is part of the honour which He has restored to womanhood: honouring His mother therein as the second Eve. Matt. xix. 8; Gen. ii. 24.]
12 [Turtullian, vol. iv. pp. 74, 97, etc.]
13 This passage is allowed by all to be corrupt. If we were to punctuate differently, to insert "nisi" before "consummata," and change "longe est" into "non deesset," we get the following sense: "Therefore we should always meditate, brethren, on chastity, as circumstances teach us, that it may be more easy for us. It depends on no arts; for what is it but perfected will, which, if it were not checked, would certainly not fail to arise? And it is our own will, too: therefore it has not to be acquired, but we have to cherish what is already our own."
14 [" Kalendarium cujusvis excedunt." The kalendaria were tablets of monthly accounts, in which the monthly interest due, etc., were set down. "Exceed the entire monthly income" would be better. Tertullian uses the same word, "exhaust the kalendarium," rendered by our Edinburgh translator ( vol. iv. p. 18), a "fortune." In this treatise Tertullian is constantly copied and quoted.]
15 [Laughter, vol. ii. p. 249, and contact p. 291.]
16 [Everything in antiquity breathes this spirit of "searching the Scriptures." Compare Hippol., p. 219, note 4, supra.]
1 [Almost wholly made up of Scripture, and useful in any age to all Christians. Whatever its origin, it breathes a truly primitive spirit. Compare Tertullian, vol. iii. p. 657.]
8 Non multum remittit-probably a misprint for "permultum."
13 Isa. lvii. 15 et seq., LXX.
14 It is taken for granted that the "ut" of the original is a misfor "aut."
15 Otherwise, "has forgotten me days without number."
17 Here also the emendation of "quae" for "quod" is obviously necessary.
29 There is evident confusion here, and no place can be found for the word "vocem."
30 It has been taken for granted that "numerosum" is a misprint for "nemorosum."
33 Trombellius suggests "if" instead of "but."
34 Ezek. xxxii. 12, etc., LXX.
50 The original has only "ben," which Trombellius reasonably assumes to be meant for "benedicti."
55 "Emendaverit," probably a mistake for "emuadaverit," "shall purge," as in the Vulg.; scil. ekkaqarh.
56 2 Tim. ii. 16. [On true penitence see Epistle xxv. p. 304 supra.]
57 Rev. ii. 5. [This selection of texts seems made on the same principle which dictated the compilation of texts against the Jews: a breviarium, the author calls it,- qusedam utilia collecta et digesta,-to be read with readiness, and frequently referred to.]
58 It has arborum, however, instead of the singular.
59 Theopneuston, by Samuel Hanson Cox, D.D,, New York, 1842.
60 Note, an extraordinary instance, Childe Harold, Canto iv. st. 180.
61 Lexicographers give keimai = jaceo.
62 Polity, etc., p. 416 (translation). This valuable work, translated and edited by the Rev. J. C. Bellett, M.A. (London, 1883), is useful as to medieval usages, and as supplementing Bingham. But the learned editor has not been sufficiently prudent in noting his author's perpetual misconceptions of antiquity.
64 Theodoret, book v. cap. ix. A.D. 382. The bisbops say "last year" ( a.d. 381), speaking of the council in session.
1 The ingenious conjecture of Wordsworth, who surmises that kai eqnwn episkopon, in Photius, should be read kai ewqinwn. Hippolytus, p. 30. Another conjecture is =Aqhnwn. For the originals of these Fragments and learned notes, see Routh, Reliquae Sacrae, ii. p. 127.
2 Eusebius quotes him in several places (book ii. cap. xxv., book iii. capp. xxviii. and xxxi.), and cites him in proof that St. Peter suffered on the Vatican, and St. Paul on the Via Ostiensis. See Lardner, redib., vol. ii. pp. 394, 410.
3 Hist. Eccl., ii. 25, vi. 20.
36 p. 303, note 5 Rev. iii, 21.
1 A defender of the sect of the Cataphrygians.
2 So Jerome, in the Epistle to Marcellus, says: "There, too, is a holy church: there are the trophies of the apostles and martyrs."
3 Thc mss.. and the Chronicon of Georgius Syncellus read Vasicum, Basikanon. The reference is to the Vatican as the traditional burial place of Peter, and to the Ostian Road as that of Paul.
5 This extract is taken from the Disputation of Caius, but the words are those of Proclus, as is shown by the citation in Eusebius.
6 Two fragments of an anonymous work ascribed by some to Caius. Artemon and his followers maintained that Christ was mere ( yilon) man.
8 [See cap. xxiii. p. 114, supra, and Euseb., iii. cap. 28.]
9 This may, perhaps, be the Caecilius Natalis who appears in the Octaviris of Minucius Felix, as maintaining the cause of paganism against Octavius Januarius, and becoming a convert to the truth through the discussion. Name, time, and profession at least suit. [A painful conjecture, and quite gratuitous. See the Octavius, cap. xvi. note 6, p. 181, vol. iv., this series.]
10 [ -ou tote episkopou,"the then bishop." Text of Routh.]
11 There is another reading- named ( klhqhnai) instead of chosenor elected (klhrwqhnai).
12 [Thus early, primitive canons are recognised as in force.]
13 [Here we have an early foreshadowing of the schoolmen, whose rise was predicted by St. Bernard in his protest against Abelard. See Hernard, Opp., tom. i. p. 410, et alibi.]
14 The connected form here is the hypothetical, as e.g., "If it is day, it is light." The disjouned is the disjunctive, as e.g., " It is, either day or night." The words admit another rendering, viz.,"Whether it, when connected or disjoined, will make the form of a syllogism."
15 There is a play in the original on the word geometry.
16 Galen composed treaties on the figures of syllogismis, and on philosophy in general. This is also a notable testimony, as proceeding from a very ancient author, almost contemporary with Galen himself. And from a great number of other writers, as well as this one. it is evident that Galen was ranked as the equal of Aristotle, Theophrastus, and even Plato. [Galen died circa a.d. 200.]
17 In Nicephorus it is Asclepiodotus, which is also the reading of Rufinus.
18 It appears from Theodoret ( Haeret. Fab., book ii. ch. v.), as well as from Nicephorus and Rufinus, that we should read Appolonides for Apollonius.
19 There is another reading- by him.
20 This paragraph, down to the word "transcribed," is wanting in the Codex Regius.
21 [Note the care and jealousy with which the integrity of the codices was guarded. Comp. Uncan. and Apoc. Scriptures, by Churton, London, 1884.]
22 An acephalous fragment on the canon of the sacred Scriptures,ascribed by some to Caius. This very important fragment [vol. ii. pp. 4 and 56, this series] was discovered by Muiatori in the Ambrosian Library at Milan, and published by him in his Antiquitates Italicaein 1740. This manuscript belongs to the seventh or eighth century. Muratori ascribed it to Caius, Bunsen to Hegesippus; but there is no clue whatever to the authorship. From internal evidence the writer of the fragment is believed to belong to the latter half of the second century. The fragment has been much discussed. For a full account of it, see Westcott's General Survey of the History of the Canon of the New Testament, 2d ed. p. 184f., and Tregelies' Canon Muratorianus; [also Routh, Rel., i. pp. 394-434].
23 The text is, " quibus tamen interfuit et ita posuit." Westcott omits the " et." Bunsen proposes" ipse non intermit." The reference probably is to the statement of Papias (Euseb., Histor. Eccles., iii. 39) as to Mark's Gospel being a narrative not of what he himself witnessed, but of what he heard from Peter.
24 The text gives " numine suo ex opinione concriset," for which we read " nomine suo ex ordine conscripsit" with Westcott.
25 Reading" secum" for " secundum."
26 The text gives " quasi ut juris studiosum," for which " quasi et virtutis studiosum," = "as one devoted to virtue," has been proposed. Bunsen reads "itineris socium" = "as his companion in the way."
28 Or as they revised them, recognoscentibus.
29 Principia. Principali, leading. [Note this theory of inspiration.]
32 The text is, " semote passionem Petri," etc., for which Westcott reads" semota." [A noteworthy statement.]
33 Reading" epistolae" and " directae" instead of " epistola" and " directe," and " volentibus" for " voluntatibus."
35 The text is, " de quibus singulis necesse est a nobis disputari cum," etc. Bunsen reads," de quibus non necesse est a nobis disputari cur" = "on which we need not discuss the reason why."
37 The text is " in catholica," which may be "in the Catholic Church." Bunsen, Westcott, etc., read " in catholicis."
38 Reading "sed publicari" for "se publicare." [ Vol. ii. p. 3.]
39 [For remarks of my own on the Muratorian Canon, see vol. ii. p. 56, this series.]
41 Vol ii. p. 295, this series.
1 In his Commontory, cap. xix. p. 57, ed. Baltimore, 1847. This useful edition contains the text, and a translation, with valuable notes, by the Late Bishop Whittingham of Maryland.
3 Vol. iii. cap 17, p. 677, this series.
4 His elaborate chapter (xlvii. and the note) must be read by all students who wish to understand the matter, or even to read Cyprian advantageously.
5 Defensio Fid. Nicaen., Works, vol. v. p. 374.
6 Dr. Schaff; History of Christian Church, vol. ii. p. 851.
7 [This is again putting a false face upon Antiquity. Purists, rather; i.e., in morals.]
8 See the last portion of Section Second of Neander's Church History.
9 Hist. Eccl., lib. viii. c. 15. The text of Valesius has Ouaton, not Novatus or Novatian.
10 [See p. 400, note 5, supra.]
11 Ep. li. p. 327, supra. [How could it be stated truly and yet seem friendly? The unfortunate man had violated discipline, and broken his most sacred obligations to the Christian flock, at a time when the heathen persecutions made all such scandals little less than mutiny against Christ Himself. Consult Matt. xviii. 7 and Luke xvii. 1. We owe to such discipline the sure canon of Scripture.]
12 Hist. Eccl., lib. iv. c. 28.
13 De viris Illustribus, C. 7O.
15 Ep. li. 5, p. 328, supra. [Also, see Ep. xli. 2, p. 320, supra.]
2 From the ninth chapter to the twenty-eighth he enters upon the dilffuse explanation also of those words of our creed which commend to us faith in the Son of God, Jesus Christ, the Lord our God, the Christ promised in the Old Testament, and proves by the authority of the old and new covenant that He is very man and very God. In chapter eighteenth he refutes the error of the Sabellians, and by the authority of the sacred writings he establishes the distinction of the Father and of the Son, and replies to the objections of the abovenamed heresiarchs and others. In the twenty-ninth chapter he treats of faith in the Holy Spirit, saying that finally the authority of the high admonishes us, after the Father and the Son, to believe also on the Holy Spirit, whose operations he recounts and proves from the Scriptures. He then labours to associate the unity of God with the matters previously contended for, and at length sets forth the sum of the doctrines above explained. [Anthropopathy, see cap. v. p. 615.]
3 "Mensurnis," or otherwise "menstruis."
4 [Jer. v. 22. Compare sublime page with paganism.]
5 "Inventionis." "Redemptionis" is a reasonable emendation.
6 Or probably, "Neither indeed is," etc. [Vol. iii. p. 428.]
7 Viritior. [See Robert Hall on French Atheism.]
15 Isa. lxvi. 1. [No portable or pocket god.]
17 Isa. xlv. 7. [ A lesson to our age.]
18 Rom. i. 20. ["So that they are without excuse."]
22 In other words, God is always the same in essence, in personality, and in attributes.
24 Ex. iii. 14. [The ineffable name of the Self-Existent.]
25 Ps. xxxiv. 15. [Anthropopathy, p. 611.]
30 Isa. lxvi. 1. [Capp. v. and vi. are specimens of vigorous thought.]
36 That is to say, "of Birth and dissolution." [He is the Now.]
38 [ Ex. iii. 2. Not consuming. Heb. xii. 29, "consuming."]
39 [Madame de Stael has beautifully remarked on the benefit conferred upon humanity by Him who authorized us to say," Our Father." "Scientific" atheism gives nothing instead.]
41 [ Ezek. i. 10 and Rev. iv. 7.]
42 [The science of the third century had overruled the Pythagorean system, and philosophers bound the Church and the human mind in the chains of false science for ages. The revival of true science was due to Copernicus, a Christian priest, and to Galileo,and other Christians. Let this be noted.]
43 " Vigent," or otherwise " lucent."
44 " Ministraret" seems to be preferable to " monstraret."
45 [Our author's genius actually suggests a theory, in this chapter, concerning the zoa, or "living creatures," which anticipates all that is truly demonstrated by the "evolutionists," and which harmonizes the variety of animated natures. Rev. v. 13, 14.]
47 [The universe is here intended, as in Milton, "this pendent world." Parad. Lost, book ii. 1052.]
48 Rom. xi. 33. "Note also the rest of the text" is our author's additional comment.
69 John i. 14. [Of fables and figments, see cap. viii. p. 617.]
70 2 Cor. xvi. 50. [Vol. iii. p. 521, this series.]
79 Heb. iii. 3. [See English margin, and Robinson, i. p. 552.]
80 John i. 13. [For Sabellius, see p. 128, supra.]
90 John xvii. 5. [Note this exposition.]
102 According to Pamelius, ch. xxiii.
114 " Dispositione," scil. oikonomia.-Jackson.
115 According to Pamelius, ch. xxiv.
119 [That is, "the prescribed rule" of our Catholic orthodoxy reflects the formula of our Lord's testimony concerning Himself. Here is a reference to testimony of the early creeds and canons.]
120 [That is, "the prescribed rule" of our Catholic orthodoxy reflects the formula of our Lord's testimony concerning Himself. Here is a reference to testimony of the early creeds and canons.]
122 According to Pamelius, ch. xxv.
125 Ps. xlv. 1. [As understood by the Father passim. See Justin, vol. i. p. 213; Theophilus, ii. 98; Tertullian, iv. 365; Origen, iv. 352, 421; and Cyprian, v. p. 516, supra.]
130 Deut. xxxii. 8. [ esthsen oria eqnwn kata ariqmon allelwn Qeou, Sept.]
132 According to Pamelius, ch. xxvi.
137 [This leading up and educating of humanity to "see God" is here admirably put. Heb. i. 3.]
138 [De subordinatione, etc.: Bull, Defensio, etc., vol. v. pp. 767, 685. The Nicene doctrine includes the subordination of the Son.]
139 [ Isa. ix. 6, according to the Seventy. Ex. xxiii. 20. See Bull, Defensio, etc., vol. v. p. 30. Comp. Hippol., p. 225, supra; Novatian, p. 632, infra.]
140 [De subordinatione, etc.: Bull, Defensio, etc., vol. v. pp. 767, 685. The Nicene doctrine includes the subordination of the Son.]
144 [See note 2, p. 628, supra.]
149 [Among the apparitions are noted Gen. xxxii. 24, Ex. iii., Num. xxii. 21, Josh. v. 13, 1 Kings xxviii. 11.]
150 According to Pamelius, ch. xxvii.
152 [ Eccles. v. 6. A striking text when compared with the "Angel of the Covenant" ( Angelus Testamenti, Vulgate), Mal. iii. 1.]
153 Gen. xxxii. 24-27. [Vol. iv. 390, this series.]
157 [A very beautiful patristic idea of the dim vision of the cross to which the Fathers were admitted, but which they understood not,: even when they predicted it. 1 Pet. x. 11.]
158 According to Pamelius, ch. xv.
159 [ Ps. xcvii. 7; John x. 36; Hippol., p. 153, supra.]
162 [The full meaning of which only comes out in the Gospel and in 2 Pet. i. 4. The lie of Gen. iii. 5, is made true in Christ.]
165 According to Pamelius, ch. xvi.
169 [ John v. 19 The infirmities of language are such that cunning men like Petavius can construct anti-Nicene doctrine out of Scripture itself; and the marvel is, that the Christian Fathers before the Council of Nicaea generally use such precision of language, although they lacked the synodical definitions.]
174 Col. i. 15. [But not a creature, for the apostle immediately subjoins that He is the Creatpr and final Cause of the universe. Moreover, the first-born here seems to mean the heir of all creation, for such is the logical force of the verse following. So, prwtotokeia (in the Seventy) = heirship. Gen. xxv. 31.)
177 Perhaps the emendation komine instead of homo is right. "He puts on and puts off humanity, as if it were a kind of tunic for a compacted body."
179 According to Pamelius, ch. xvii.
181 [Not "a seipso Deus." See Bull, Defens., vol. v. p. 685.]
182 According to Pamelius, ch. xviii.
183 [The Noetians, Hippol., p. 148, supra.]
184 [ Irenaeus, vol. i. p. 527.]
185 According to Pamelius, ch. xix.
189 "The miraculous generation is here represented as the natural,but by no means as the only cause for which He who had no human father was to receive the name of God's Son."-Oosterzee, in loco, on Luke.-Tr.
191 The edition of Pamelius reads: ut sequela nominis in Filio Dei et hominis sit. The words Dei et were expelled by Welchman,whom we have followed.
192 According to Pamelius, ch. xx.
194 [ Luke xx. 38. A solemn admonition is found in the parallel Scripture, Matt. xxii. 29, which teaches us how much we ought to find beneath the surface of Holy Writ.]
195 According to Pamelius, ch. xxi.
200 Isa. xlv. 1. Some transcriber has written Kuriw for Kurw,"the Lord" for "Cyrus," and the mistake has been followed by the author.
212 [ Cap. xxi. p. 632, supra.]
213 According to Pamelius, ch. xxii.
214 John x. 30; scil. " unum," Gr. en.
215 Original, " unas." Scil. person.
217 1 Cor. iii. 6, 7, 88 ( scil. en).
226 Isa. ix. 6, LXX. [See pp. 628, 632, supra.]
232 [Cap. xxi. note 5, 632, supra.]
263 [To commit any one of these errors, he thinks, is to prove one's self "sensual, having not the Spirit." Jude rg; Rom. viii. 7.]
267 [ Gal. iii. 20; Deut. vi. 4.]
268 [" Non semper pendebit inter latrones Christus; aliquando resurget Crucifixa Veritas." - Sebastion Castilio.]
283 As the Word formed. [He expounds Ps. xliv. (xlv.), Sept.]
284 ["In a sense;" i.e., in logic, not time.]
285 [Compare the Athanasian Confession.]
286 [As in the Athanasian Confession.]
287 There is apparently some indistinct reference here to the passage in Heb. v. 7, "and was heard in that He feared"- apo thj eulubeiaj. [For the Angel of Great Counsel, see p. 629, supra.]
1 Entitled "A Letter of Novatian, the Roman Presbyter."
2 " Liberiorem," translated, according to a plausible emendation,as " hilariorem."
6 These letters are not extant, but they are mentioned by Jerome, De vir. Illustr., ch. lxx.
7 [ 1 Cor. vi. 13. A passage probably connected with the Jewish superstition. But see the Peshito-Syriac version on Mark vii. 19.Compare Murdock's version ad loc., ed. 1855.]
8 Which, distinguishing between meats, granted certain animals as clean, and interdicted certain others as not clean, especially as all animals were declared "very good," and even unclean animals were reserved for offspring in Noah's ark, although they otherwise might have been got rid of, if they ought to have been destroyed on account of their uncleanness.
9 [The divers animals are also parables illustrating human passions and appetites. See Jones of Nayland, vol. xi. p. 1.]
11 This sentence is very unintelligible, but it is the nearest approach to a meaning that can be gathered from the original.
12 [ Gen. ix. 3. The Noachic covenant was Catholic, and foreshadowed Acts x. 15, although clean and unclean beasts were recognised as by natural classification. Gen. vii. 2. Argue as in Gal. iii. 17.]
13 Or, as some read, "for eating," substituting " esum" for " usum."
15 [See chap. ii. p. 645, note 9. supra.]
17 [The moral uses of the animal creation are recognised in all languages: as when we say of men, a serpent, a fox, a hog, an ass, etc.; so otherwise, a lion, a lamb, an eagle, a dove, etc.]
18 [Novatian was a keen analyst, and his allegorial renderings are logical generally, though sometimes fanciful.]
19 Lev. xi. 4. [Jones of Nayland, vol. iii., Disquisition, ed. 1801.]
20 " Enervem," but more probably " informem."
27 [Or lower bowel, Mark vii. 19; Matt. xv. 17. See cap. i. note 7, p. 645, supra. It throws off refuse, leaving food only to the system.]
32 " Attonitus" is assumed to be rightly read " attentus."
33 [ 1 Tim. iv. 4, 1 Tim. vi. 17. Against the Encratites (vol i. p. 353) but not against moderation (vol. ii. p. 237, this series).]
38 Scil. abstain. [But see 1 Cor. viii. 4, etc.]
1 "Papa" [as applied to all bishops. See p. 154, supra.]
2 Reference is made to this council in Epistles of Cyprian, No. lxxiii., and at large in Epistles lxix. to lxxiv., pp. 375-396, supra.
1 [By Dr. Wallis, editor of voL xiii., Edinb. series.]
2 Epistles, liii. p. 336, supra.
3 Ch. (or sec.) 6, p. 659 infra.
4 Hist. Gen. des Auteurs, tom. iii. ch. i. art. 4, sec. 2, note 4.
5 Ch. (or sec.) I, p. 657, infra.
6 Infelicissimi. This is supposed to be a play upon the name of Felicissimus, referred to in Cyprian's letter, [xlvui. p, 325, supra].
7 [Ep. xl. p. 319, supra: et alibi.]
9 [See p. 602 note 12, supra.]
13 This passage is altogether corrupt and unintelligible: some force is necessary even to give it an appearance of meaning.
14 Matt. xxviii. 19. [For the next sentence see Acts ii. 33.]
20 Scil. Gallus and Volusianus (Pamel.).
37 "Habebat," but probably "debebat"-owed.
46 This refers to Novatian's letter in the name of the Roman people. (See p. 308. Compare p. 320, note 6.]
54 [A misconception of Judas, who seems to have been hypocritical from the first. John vi. 64.]
56 This parenthesis is unintelligible. [i.e., not shepherds, but:"butcher," in the prophet's thought, who speaks as follows, etc.]
75 [A virtual refutation of the dogma of purgatory, and all the trading in Masses which it involves. The pious Hirscher, in his Kirchlichen Zustande der Gegenwart (Tubingen, 1849; a translation of which, by the American editor of this series, was published, Oxford,1852), bewails the corrupting influences of this system, though he died in the Papal communion.]
77 [The Lord's prayer: p. 454, note 1, supra.]
78 [By Dr. Wallis, as before, p. 655.]
79 [By Dr. Wallis, as before, p. 655.]
80 Gennadius, de Script. Ecclec., cap. xxvii.
1 [" In the name," etc., implies as Jesus Christ commanded, St.Matt. xxviii. 19.]
2 [This was assumed by the Westems to be the general rule,whereas it was only local. See p. 408, note 7, supra.]
4 [The bitterness with which Vincent follows up the assumption, that there was a general custom of all the churches, shows how: sadly this controversy became envenomed in the West. Cap. vi. is a blemish on his Commonitory.]
9 There is something needed to make the connection of this passage complete.
14 [It was a notable compliance with the example of Christ, Matt. iii. 15. "They had received," etc., yet that was no reason why ordinance o( Christ should be slighted.]
24 [Isa. xiv. 12. The sin of Lucifer had, very possibly, been this of rebelling against the Incarnation and the introduction thereby of an order of beings higher than himself. Hence our Lord recognised in Peter's words the voice of the old adversary, and called him " Satan." A premonition of his lapse.]
26 [It has been profoundly felt, that, as the Church of Rome in her early rectitude (Rom. i. 8) reflected Peter's confession, so in her lapse (Rom. xi. 20, 21) she reflects this terrible rebuke. If she was once identified with Peter's Rock, so now, alas! with Peter's Satan.]
28 Scil. the bishop. [The plural of "solidarity." See p. 128, note 5, supra, and Elucidation XI p. 159.]
30 By him who hears the word is meant a catechumen (Rigaltius). [Bunsen, vol. ii. p. 317. He quotes the Apostolical Constitutions (Alexandria), "Let the catechumens be three years hearing the word," etc.]
32 The original interpolates " non."
33 [Scil. baptisms (?) i.e., of water and of blood.]
37 [Ezek. xxxiii. 12. On the principle that what is deepest in man's heart proves, finally, the character; Phil. ii. 12. A very solemn consideration an human accountability (1 Pet. i. 17), but not to be disjoined from 2 Cor. vi. 10.]
38 [Vol i. p. 505, note 12, this series.]
47 Unius atque ejusdem species.
51 John iii. 5. [Greek, pneuma,Syriac as here rendered.]
53 Rigaltius says that Jerome mentions this document, and regards it as apocryphal. And Eusebius refers to the Periodoi Petrou, which,according to the common reading of Peter for Paul in the text, may point to the same document. [Vol. ii. 341, note 10; and vol. iv., p. 246.]
61 1 John v. 8. [It is noteworthy that he quotes the Latin formula,and not that (eij to en eisin ) of the Greek. Now, the Latin, repeating (in verse 8) the formula (hi tres unum sunt) which belongs to the dubious protasis, is so far evidence that such a verse existed in the old Greek. It is important that the Latin is not conformed to the received formula of the apodosis, " the three agree in one."]
63 Eusebius calls him Novatus.
